Morphological and Lexical Variations of Tagalog Nominal and Pronominal Systems in Bataan: Basis for the Development of an Aggregate of Discrete Tagalog Nouns and Pronouns Spoken by Bataeños ()
1. Introduction
Tagalog, one of the 183 languages spoken in the Philippines, having almost 22 million native speakers, belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of the Austronesian language family (Simons & Fennig, 2018; Tanaka, 2016). It has various dialectal varieties including Lubang, Manila, Marinduque, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Puray, Tanay-Paete, and Tayabas (Ethnologue 25th edition, Eberhard, 2022). In terms of typology, Tagalog has its distinct characteristics in terms of prepositions, ergativity, tense and aspect, comparatives, 16 consonants, and five (5) vowel phonemes, inclusive and exclusive pronouns. As reflected in the ethnolinguistic map of the Central Philippines, Tagalog is fully developed and has been used as a second language (L2) by Alabat Island Agta, Bongkalot, Calamian Tagbanwa, Caluyanun, Central Bikol, Manide, and even in the Kalingas and Bontok. Tagalog, as de facto national working language, is used as the basis for the development of the Filipino language.
The proximity of Bataan to Manila and Bulacan has become the reason for its Tagalog sounding like that of Batangas, Manila, and Bulacan. Although Bataan Tagalog is inclined to be akin to the tone and accent of Bulacan, it is rather slower and the pronunciation of the syllables is a bit more distinct. Further, Bataan and Manila Tagalog have differences in their lexicon, semantics, and pragmatic uses (Hirano, 2006). Yet Bataan Tagalog remains to be largely understudied in the fields of acquisition, psycholinguistics, lexicography, and sociolinguistics (Hirano, 2006; Tubio & Vea, 2020).
Because the linguistic diversity of the Philippines arises from natural processes broadly relating to language change, the divergence between linguistic communities caused by lack of communication, and the converse convergence caused by a high rate of communication between communities (McFarland, 2004), this research project endeavors to contribute to morphological and lexical studies of lesser studied Tagalog varieties. Most importantly, this project aims to provide an aggregate of the morphologically and lexically diverse Tagalog nominals and pronominals as used by natives of Bataan. The morphological and lexical variation of the common nominals and pronominals used were investigated.
Nominals are words or groups of words that describe and function together as a noun. The words in a nominal grouping give more detail about the noun (the headword), making it specific. Nominal phrases and clauses can include other parts of speech such as articles, prepositions, and adjectives. It can also be concrete, abstract state, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common types. On the other hand, a pronominal verb is a verb that is accompanied by a reflexive pronoun. Pronominal verbs fall into three major classes based on their meaning: reflexive, idiomatic, and reciprocal. To conjugate pronominal verbs in the present tense, there is a need to pay attention to both the pronoun and the verb form. Pronominals can be nominal, ordinal, deictics, and demonstratives.
To the time of this writing, the language used in Bataan remains to be unexplored. There were only a few Bataan language studies done, Fontillas (2015) looked at stance markers while David (2014) and Cabanding (2014) researched on Bataan Ayta Magbukun language. None has been done to look at and investigate the Bataan Tagalog variety, particularly in the nominal and pronominal cases. The present study is a pioneering work to present the list of Bataan words, hence giving identity to Bataan Tagalog.
A contextual variation involves speaker-related and situation-related differences, such as the stylistic differences distinguishing pants (in its general reading) and trousers in British English. The geographical differences between British English and American English also fall within the class of contextual variation. This is not necessarily restricted to cases such as the pants/trousers example which does not involve semantic differences classified as contextual variation and conceptual variation. A formal variation involves the situation that a particular entity may be referred to utilizing different words. These different words may express a conceptual distinction or a “pure” geographical variation.
Linguists, however, use different criteria in identifying whether such variation extends up to being a separate dialect or language. If speakers of the two speech varieties can have a conversation and understand each other, they are using “dialects” of a single language. In contrast, if speakers of the two speech varieties converse and do not understand each other; they are using two distinct languages. This criterion is called mutual intelligibility. In this criterion, Cebuano, Ilocano, Masbatenyo, Waray, among others, are languages and not merely dialects. On the other hand, the Tagalog varieties spoken in Batangas, Rizal, and other southern Tagalog areas are dialects of the Tagalog language. Another criterion is called dialectal variation which varies from language to language. Tagalog and Kapampangan have very moderate dialectal variation. Dialects of Bikol, however, exhibit great dialectal variation. Bikol is an example of a macrolanguage: a set of related languages/dialects that must be very closely related and that there must be some domain in which a single language identity is recognized. It consists of the following dialects: Central Bikol, Northern Catanduanes Bikol, Southern Catanduanes Bikol, Rinconada Bikol, West Albay Bikol, Libon, Miraya, Buhi’non. Bisayan languages (e.g Masbatenyo, Hiligaynon, Waray, Cebuano), on the other hand, exhibit a high rate of mutual intelligibility. Another measure for distinguishing a language from a dialect is grammar. If the speech variety has different grammar, then it is a different language. Filipino, the national language of the Philippines, can be considered the Tagalog variety is spoken in Metro Manila, sharing identical grammar with other Tagalog varieties (Nolasco, 2007).
Tagalog is a verb-subject-object (VSO) language spoken primarily in the Philippines. It is an Austronesian language spoken by approximately 24 million people worldwide. Tagalog uses an ergative-absolutive case system and has three main cases: ergative, absolutive, and oblique, as well as a minor case, the locative form, which has only limited uses. Concerning the headedness of its morphological structure, Tagalog is left-headed as suffixation is the minority of the morphological processes found in Tagalog. The other morphological processes found in Tagalog are prefixation, infixation, circumfixation, and reduplication. Morphologically, Tagalog is a very rich language as well as being a topic prominent (Hengeveld & Mackenzie, 2016). It is a language that changes its word order to designate topics and focused elements within a sentence. This is done through an extensive verbal inflectional voice system. Nominally, Tagalog has a great deal of derivation but no inflection. There is an extensive derivational system for nouns, adjectives, numbers, gerunds, verbs, and compounds. About adverbials, Tagalog contains enclitics that function more like syntactic particles than morphemes.
In various studies on Tagalog, while these derivations and inflections are expressed as specific combinations of morphemes, they follow the condition of adjacency. That is, in morphological derivations, the affixes apply individually from right to left in sequence.
2. Review of Related Literature
2.1. Selecting a Template (Sub-Heading 2.1)
In Schachter and Otanes’ (Schachter & Otanes, 1972 in Hengeveld & Mackenzie, 2016) grammar of Tagalog, they identified seventeen types of noun derivation that they label as “classes” though they are not noun classes in the true sense of the term as they exist in Bantu languages. Some of these noun derivation types are illustrated below:
1) N→N N + -an
This transformation creates a noun meaning a location associated with the base noun. Example: aklat “book” → aklat-an “library”.
2) V→N V + -an
This transformation creates a noun indicating reciprocal or joint action of the base verb. Example: um-away “fight” → away-an “fighting one another”.
3) V→N V + -in
This transformation creates a noun indicating the object of the action specified in the base verb. Example: mag-aral “study” → aral-in “something to study”.
4) N→N DUPB- + N + -an
The transformation derives a noun that is an imitation of the base noun. Example: bulaklak “flower” → bulaklak-bulaklak-an “fake flower”.
5) a) N→N ka- + N
This transformation derives a noun that designates a person or thing reciprocally associated with the base.
Example: kuwarto “room” → ka-kuwarto “roommate”.
b) V→N ka- + V
Example: laro “playV” → ka-laro “playmate”.
c) P→N ka- + P
Example: tabi “sideP” → ka-tabi “someone/something beside”.
6) a) N→N ka- + N + an
This transformation derives nouns that are a class of qualities or group of things denoted by the base.
Example: Intsik “(a) Chinese (person)” → ka-intsik-an “the Chinese (people)”.
b) A→N ka- + A + an
Example: tamad “lazy” → ka-tamar-an “laziness”.
7) N→N mag- + N
This transformation derives a noun designating two relatives, one of whom bears relation to the other, designated by the base.
Example: ama “father” → mag-ama “father and child”.
For Ibana (2009), the Filipino language is a tool for capturing the Filipino worldview. By examining the Tagalog prefix “ka” as an accommodation of differences and opposition, his paper shows the infinite depth and breadth of Filipino’s capacity to absorb various kinds and levels of solidarity. This also analyzes the development of Filipino society by the way the prefix “ka” was used especially during the Philippine Revolution and its present-day significance.
Through this sketch on the analysis of nominal types, the likelihood of the similarity or variation of Bataan Tagalog nominals may be presumed. This study, however, utilized the frameworks of Dita (2011) and Ruffolo (2004) in analyzing the lexical features and morphological processes involved in the derivation of Bataan Tagalog nominals and pronominals.
In the study of Dita (2011) on the morphological characteristics of nouns in Ibanag, it was found that nouns contain various derivational affixes. The derived nouns consist of the following: abstract, locative, comitative, reciprocal, ownership, origin, instigator, and designation nouns. Morphosyntactically, nouns in Ibanag, are names of persons, places, animals, things, events, or ideas which can be pluralized through some reduplication process or the particle ira. It was also found that these items can be which can function as agents, patients, themes, or locatives in a sentence. Ruffolo (2004), on one hand, described selected aspects of the grammar of Ibaloy, a member of the Northern Philippines subgroup of Austronesian languages, spoken on the island of Luzon in the Philippines. In her study, the phonological and morphological processes involved in Ibaloy were given attention. Based on the result, it was found that several morpho-phonemic processes apply to words when they take part in particular word-derivational processes. Ibaloy has an elaborate derivational system. Nouns typically occur underived as monomorphemic words. Verbs are typically derived with a system of affixes. Different categories of verbs and nouns are identified on morpho-syntactic criteria.
In her study, Francisco (2015) examined the nominals and pronominals of the three indigenous Northern Philippines languages, Isnag, Isneg Yapayao, and Itneg Tingguian. One aspect of analysis focused on personal and possessive pronouns as well as deictic demonstratives. Personal pronouns studied were limited to independent pronominal forms: first, second, third person, and singular, dual, and plural number, which are mostly used as topics and thus occur in a pre-predicate position (Ruffolo, 2004). Personal pronouns mainly encode information about the case, number, and person. As many authors claim, all Philippine languages have three number distinctions: singular, dual, and plural. Possessives also include first, second, and third cases, while deictic demonstratives include proximal, medial, and distal forms. Findings revealed that all personal pronouns across the three languages differ. Isnag and Itneg Tingguian were found to slightly differ in the phoneme /k/ for the first person singular (1S), i.e., iya and iyak (“I”). For the first person plural (1P), Isnag and Isneg Yapayao slightly differed in the phoneme /k/ and /h/ as in dahami and dakami, (“we”) respectively. The phoneme /h/ in ihaw (2S) for Isnag makes it different from ikaw and ikow for Isneg Yapayao and Itneg Tingguian, respectively. Since these three languages are spoken in three closely located municipalities, still, they all differed morphophonemically and lexically.
Language variation is multi-dimensional. Such differences lie in the fact that social structure is reflected in the sound patterns of language and how this variation is often indicative of language change in progress. More so, geographical variation in language is caused by different levels of contact between different peoples at different times. Most linguists and related researchers are interested in variation in words and their origins, meanings, and contexts of use. The change in both the choice of words and the meanings of those words is given closer attention (Himmelmann, 2008). In this way, two of the principal components of the lexical entries, the semantic representation and the morphological shape of word forms serving particular grammatical functions were observed.
In the Philippines, several studies focusing on lexical variations analysis have extensively dealt with the major languages, i.e. Ilocano, Tagalog, Kapampangan, Bicol, Cebuano, and Pangasinan, among others. However, lexical variations of the aforementioned languages and their variants have not been hugely explored and documented.
Hence, this project is anchored on the study of Dita (2011) on the morphological characteristics of nouns in Ibanag, a regional language in Cagayan in which nouns were found to contain various derivational affixes. The derived nouns consist of the following: abstract, locative, comitative, reciprocal, ownership, origin, instigator, and designation nouns. Morphosyntactically, nouns in Ibanag, are names of persons, places, animals, things, events, or ideas which can be pluralized through some reduplication process or the particle ira. It was also found that these items can be prefixed, suffixed, circumfixed, or infixed to form other categories of nouns which can function as agents, patients, themes, or locatives in a sentence.
Ruffolo (2004), on one hand, described selected aspects of the grammar of Ibaloy, a member of the Northern Philippines subgroup of Austronesian languages, spoken in central and southern Benguet and western Nueva Vizcaya with dialectal varieties Daklan, Kabayan, and Bokod (Simons & Fennig, 2018). In her study, the phonological and morphological processes involved in Ibaloy were given attention. Based on the result, it was found that several morpho-phonemic processes apply to words when they take part in particular word-derivational processes. Ibaloy has an elaborate derivational system. Nouns typically occur underived as monomorphemic words. Verbs are typically derived with a system of affixes. Different categories of verbs and nouns are identified on morpho-syntactic criteria.
Using Ruffolo’s approach to describing the Ibaloy language in terms of its morphological features and incorporating Dita’s (2011) lexical description of Ibanag, this research project focused only on the major processes involved in the morphological and lexical features of Bataan Tagalog.
Since the proponents’ primary aim is to look into the morphological and lexical variations of Bataan Tagalog nominals and pronominals, only the major processes involved in the morphological and lexical features of the language were described using, in part, Dita’s (2011) structural analysis of Ibanag nominals and Ruffolo’s (2004) lexical description of Ibaloy as a framework. However, only grammatical items such as Tagalog nominals (concrete, abstract-state, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common types) and pronominals (nominal, ordinal, deictics, and demonstratives) were included for analysis. This limitation in the aspect of analysis endeavors to provide a baseline for further description of the language variety in question.
2.2. Conceptual Framework
The framework (Figure 1) presented investigates the morphological and lexical properties of Tagalog nominals and pronominals across three districts of Bataan. This approach aims to identify district-specific linguistic features and provide a comprehensive understanding of how these features aggregate to represent the Tagalog language used by Bataan’s speakers. The analysis centers on the unique morphological and lexical properties of Tagalog nominals and pronominals spoken in the 1st District of Bataan. By isolating this district, the study can identify any distinctive linguistic patterns that might be influenced by geographical, social, or historical factors unique to the 1st District. The 2nd District’s linguistic characteristics are examined separately to highlight any differences or similarities with the other districts. Understanding the features specific to the 2nd District helps in mapping linguistic diversity within Bataan, contributing to a detailed regional linguistic profile. The focus in the 3rd District is on the morphological and lexical features specific to this district. Analyzing the 3rd District separately ensures a comprehensive comparison across all districts, identifying unique linguistic traits or commonalities.
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Figure 1. Shows the conceptual flow of the research.
This project tackled compelling and persuasive evidences by highlighting the unique linguistic characteristics and the socio-cultural significance of the Tagalog variety spoken in Bataan. Tagalog, a major language in the Philippines, boasts numerous dialects, each with distinct lexical and morphological features. Despite the wealth of studies on other Tagalog dialects, Bataan Tagalog remains largely unexplored, presenting a significant gap in linguistic research. This thesis addresses this gap by focusing on the morphological and lexical variations of Tagalog nominals and pronominals in Bataan, which have not been previously documented comprehensively. Given Bataan’s proximity to Manila and Bulacan, its unique linguistic features, influenced by historical and social factors, offer rich insights into language variation and evolution. Moreover, understanding these variations not only contributes to the academic field of linguistics but also helps preserve and promote the cultural heritage of Bataan. By providing a detailed analysis of Bataan Tagalog, this research paves the way for further studies and supports the development of educational and linguistic resources for the region.
The aggregate analysis compiles the findings from the three districts into an aggregate representation of the Tagalog language as spoken by Bataeño speakers. This aggregated analysis aims to provide an overarching view of the linguistic features, identifying both common and distinct elements across districts. It serves as a foundation for understanding regional dialectal variations and their implications for language use, education, and preservation. Highlighting the diversity within Tagalog nominals and pronominals across different districts can help in understanding regional dialects and their evolution. The linguistic features can offer insights into the cultural and social dynamics of each district, reflecting historical influences and contemporary practices. Findings can inform language teaching strategies, ensuring that educational materials are relevant to the linguistic realities of students from different districts. Documenting these features is crucial for the preservation of regional dialects, contributing to the broader effort of maintaining linguistic heritage. This framework provides a structured approach to studying the morphological and lexical properties of Tagalog in Bataan. By examining each district individually and then aggregating the findings, it offers a comprehensive view of the linguistic landscape, enhancing our understanding of regional variations and their broader implications.
The background information on Tagalog introduced at the outset is derived from a variety of sources, highlighting its linguistic significance and diverse dialectal varieties. Specifically, Tagalog is one of the 183 languages spoken in the Philippines, with almost 22 million native speakers. It belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of the Austronesian language family. The linguistic diversity of Tagalog is evident in its various dialects, including those spoken in Lubang, Manila, Marinduque, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Puray, Tanay-Paete, and Tayabas.
Additionally, the proximity of Bataan to Manila and Bulacan has influenced the Tagalog spoken in Bataan, making it sound similar to the Tagalog spoken in these regions. Despite these similarities, Bataan Tagalog remains distinct in its lexicon, semantics, and pragmatic uses, reflecting the unique cultural and linguistic identity of the region. This distinctiveness underscores the importance of studying Bataan Tagalog, as it remains largely unexplored in fields such as acquisition, psycholinguistics, lexicography, and sociolinguistics.
This foundation sets the stage for the project by emphasizing the need to document and analyze the morphological and lexical variations of Bataan Tagalog, thereby contributing to the broader understanding and preservation of the linguistic heritage in the Philippines.
3. Statement of the Problem
The research project identified and described the lexical and morphological variations of Tagalog nominals and pronominals spoken in the province of Bataan. It further developed an aggregate of these morphologically and lexically distinct nouns and pronouns.
The project was guided by two components to achieve the main goal, these are:
1) Describe the morphological and lexical properties of Tagalog nominals (concrete, abstract-state, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common types) and pronominals (nominal, ordinal, deictics, and demonstratives) as spoken in:
a) 1st District of Bataan;
b) 2nd District of Bataan;
c) 3rd District of Bataan; and,
2) Develop a listing of morphologically and lexically discrete Tagalog nominals and pronominals used by Bataeño speakers.
4. Methodology
The mixed method of research was utilized in this study where the quantitative part focused on the frequency counts and percentages of the lexical variations across all municipalities/city while the qualitative approach was utilized in the morphological analysis of the words gathered. Through a modified survey questionnaire in the form of a 160-item lexical test (130 items for nominals and 30 items for pronominals) (Dita, 2011; Francisco, 2015; Ruffolo, 2004) focusing on nominal types (concrete, abstract-state, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common nominals), and pronominal types (nominals, ordinals, deictics, and demonstratives), discrete responses were subjected to analysis. The 160-word questionnaire was adopted and was given permission to be used by the original authors (Dita, Francisco, Ruffolo) to the study. After a few modification of the instrument, it was subjected for face and content validation to the original authors, a Filipino linguist, a representative from the Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino (KWF) and a representative from an international language non-government organization based in the Philippines. Confirmatory interviews with the participants were done to supplement their responses to the survey questionnaire.
The study was conducted in the entire province of Bataan with a total population of 760,650 people based on the 2015 census. A density of 550 inhabitants per square kilometer or 1400 inhabitants per square mile.
Three sets of participants from each of the 11 municipalities and 1 city in Bataan were purposively chosen based on three age groups: 1) the Young-aged group (30 years and below), 2) the Middle-aged group (31 - 59 years old), and 3) Old-aged group (60 years and above). Such age grouping was done to achieve a full representation of the speakers/users across generations.
To qualify inhabitants as participants of the study, they and their grandparents must be grown up locally in Bataan. Each age group is comprised of 15 members, thereby, having 45 participants per municipality or city, with a total of 540 participants in all. The questionnaires were administered to 15 participants per age group. This number of respondents is enough to solicit data in gathering different lexical items that may have variations. Sociolinguistically, age is a factor in language use, the main reason that the respondents were also grouped accordingly to age. The study did not compare their answers though but this can be an offshoot of the study in the future. In the meantime, the researchers focused on the aggregate which is the primary output of the study.
The linguistic diversity in the province of Bataan, it is extremely difficult to find a monolingual native speaker of Tagalog. For this reason, this project included a language background survey to ensure that Tagalog is the dominant language of each of the participants regardless of their geopolitical position or location in the municipality/city. It is likewise expected that many of the target participants also speak Taglish, a mixed language in which English lexical items are used with Tagalog syntax
The difficulty of finding pure Bataan Tagalog speakers presents significant challenges for linguistic research, necessitating the reconsideration of inclusion criteria. Factors such as language contact and influence from neighboring regions like Manila and Bulacan make it challenging to identify speakers who have not been influenced by dominant forms of Tagalog. Additionally, migration and mobility result in a mixing of linguistic features, as many residents may have been exposed to different dialects due to time spent in other areas. Urbanization and the pervasive influence of media, particularly television and the internet, further contribute to the homogenization of language, especially among younger generations. The educational system in the Philippines often emphasizes the use of standard Tagalog and English, which can erode the use of regional dialects in formal settings, complicating efforts to isolate the pure dialect. Given these challenges, the study adopts a more flexible approach by focusing on individuals who have spent a significant portion of their lives in Bataan and primarily use the dialect in daily interactions. This approach acknowledges the reality of linguistic influence and allows for a more inclusive understanding of Bataan Tagalog. By broadening the criteria, the study gathers valuable data on the unique features of Bataan Tagalog while accommodating the complexities of modern linguistic environments, ensuring that the research remains feasible and relevant.
The survey questionnaire (lexical test) is designed in such a way that the Filipino and/or English versions of the wordlist are given. Items included in the lexical test on nominal types (concrete, abstract state, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common nominals), and pronominal types (nominals, ordinals, deictics, and demonstratives). Before the use of the questionnaires, a written consent asking for permission were sent to the original authors. After permission is granted, the questionnaire was translated to a google form for the online distribution and a QR code was also printed for non-online distribution.
All of the respondents took the lexical test in written form where they are expected to give the equivalent of the listed words as they locally use/speak them. Three (3) inter-raters from each municipality were tapped for the validation of responses.
After the respondents answered the survey questionnaire (lexical test) is designed in such a way that the Filipino and/or English versions of the wordlist are given. Items included in the lexical test on nominal types (concrete, abstractstate, comitative, reciprocal, instigator, body parts, and other common nominals), and pronominal types (nominals, ordinals, deictics, and demonstratives). Their answers were tallied from the google form and were subjected to the MS Excel for frequency count. The morphological analysis of their lexical test was done manually by the researchers in adherence to the Tagalog reference grammar patterns by Schachter and Otanes. Three (3) inter-raters from each municipality were tapped for the validation of responses.
Existing documents (if there are any) on local Tagalog terms that may have been compiled in each municipal/city office were also considered as references.
After which, a list of the morphologically and lexically discrete Bataan Tagalog nouns and pronouns was done and validated by three experts, one who is a Philippine linguist, another who is a KWF representative, and the last one who is a representative from an international language non-government organization based in the Philippines.
5. Results and Discussions
The discussion below is crucial to emphasize several aspects. It provides a comprehensive understanding of the findings and their implications. Highlighting the linguistic variation within Bataan Tagalog and its influences from neighboring regions such as Manila and Bulacan showcasing the dynamic nature of language and its unique identity within the broader Tagalog-speaking community. Additionally, the sociolinguistic context of Bataan, including migration, mobility, urbanization, and media influence, plays a significant role in language change and variation, explaining the challenge of finding pure Bataan Tagalog speakers. The impact of the educational system in promoting standard Tagalog and English at the expense of regional dialects provides insight into how formal education affects language use and preservation. Methodological adaptations, such as broadening the inclusion criteria to include individuals who primarily use the dialect and have spent significant time in Bataan, ensure the study’s validity and transparency. Discussing the implications for linguistic preservation and revitalization efforts underscores the importance of documenting and promoting regional dialects like Bataan Tagalog, highlighting the broader significance of the study. Finally, providing recommendations for future research, including further studies on under-documented dialects and the impact of social media on language use, inspires continued exploration and contributes to the field of linguistics. By focusing on these aspects, the study offers a well-rounded analysis that contextualizes the findings within the broader linguistic, social, and educational landscape, ensuring that its contributions are clear, impactful, and relevant to both academic and community stakeholders.
The morphological aspect of analysis identifies some free and bound morphemes prominent to Tagalog language affixation characteristics. While lexical varieties are observed from the corpus of the study retrieved from different respondents representing each town composing the three (3) districts of Bataan speaking the Tagalog language which is the lingua franca of the speech community.
5.1. Nominals
The concrete nouns are content words that one can physically see and touch. These are something that you can look around and experience with your touch.
Table 1. Concrete nouns.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
ant |
langgam |
langgam |
langgam |
| 2 |
banana |
saging |
saging |
saging |
| 3 |
bed |
kama |
kama |
kama |
| 4 |
book |
libro |
aklat |
libro |
| 5 |
branch |
sanga |
sanga |
sanga |
| 6 |
cabinet |
cabinet |
kabinet |
cabinet |
| 7 |
cap |
sumblero |
sumbrero |
sumblero |
| 8 |
chair |
upuan |
silya |
upuan |
| 9 |
clock |
orasan |
orasan |
orasan |
| 10 |
cloud |
ulap |
ulap |
ulap |
| 11 |
cup |
tasa |
tasa |
tasa |
| 12 |
electric fan |
bentilador |
bentilador |
electric fan |
| 13 |
eyeglasses |
salamin |
salamin |
salamin |
| 14 |
floor |
sahig |
sahig |
sahig |
| 15 |
hill |
burol |
burol |
burol |
| 16 |
kite |
saranggola |
saranggola |
saranggola |
| 17 |
knife |
kutsilyo |
kutsilyo |
kutsilyo |
| 18 |
land |
lupa |
lupa |
lupa |
| 19 |
leaf |
dahon |
dahon |
dahon |
| 20 |
mountain |
bundok |
bundok |
bundok |
| 21 |
pants |
pantalon |
pantalon |
pantalon |
| 22 |
river |
ilog |
ilog |
ilog |
| 23 |
root |
ugat |
ugat |
ugat |
| 24 |
sand lizard |
bubuli |
bubuli |
bubuli |
| 25 |
shawl |
balabal |
balabal |
balabal |
| 26 |
slippers |
tsinelas |
tsinelas |
tsinelas |
| 27 |
stairs |
hagdanan |
hagdanan |
hagdanan |
| 28 |
tree |
puno |
puno |
puno |
| 29 |
vegetable |
gulay |
gulay |
gulay |
| 30 |
wallet |
wallet |
pitaka |
wallet |
Among the 30 concrete nominals, 4 sets have identified morphemic and lexical varieties. From the Table 1, in the word sumblero (hat), there is the occurrence of a change of phoneme “l” with “r” with the word sumbrero as spoken in the 2nd district. The second observed variety occurs in the same place in District 2 where “bubuli” and “bangkalang” (sand lizard) are used interchangeably by the residents but in Districts 2 and 3 lexically use only bangkalang to mean sand lizard. Colonial influence reflects in the lexical variety of the term wallet to retain its meaning as exemplified in Districts 1 and 3 while District 2 opts to use “pitaka” which is more conservative.
5.1.1. Abstract-State Nouns
These nouns denote something immaterial or something that cannot be seen, smelled, be heard, tasted, or touched like an idea, quality, or state of condition.
Table 2. Abstract-state nouns.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
anger |
galit |
galit |
galit |
| 2 |
anxiety |
anxiety |
pagkabalisa |
pagkabalisa |
| 3 |
brilliance |
kaningningan |
makinang |
kaningningan |
| 4 |
courage |
katapangan |
katapangan |
katapangan |
| 5 |
cowardice |
pagkaduwag |
pagkaduwag |
pagka duwag |
| 6 |
determination |
katiyakan |
katiyakan |
katiyakan |
| 7 |
elegance |
kakisigan |
kakisigan |
kakisigan |
| 8 |
envy |
inggit |
inggit |
inggit |
| 9 |
fear |
takot |
takot |
takot |
| 10 |
happiness |
kasiyahan |
kasiyahan |
kasiyahan |
| 11 |
hatred |
pagkagalit |
hatred |
pagkagalit |
| 12 |
infatuation |
paghanga |
paghanga |
paghanga |
| 13 |
jealousy |
pagseselos |
pagseselos |
pagseselos |
| 14 |
kindness |
kabaitan |
kabaitan |
kabaitan |
| 15 |
liberty |
kalayaan |
kalayaan |
kalayaan |
| 16 |
love |
pagmamahal |
pagmamahal |
pagmamahal |
| 17 |
pride |
pride |
pride |
pride |
| 18 |
sensitivity |
pagkamaramdamin |
sensitive |
pagkamaramdamin |
| 19 |
sorrow |
kalungkutan |
kalungkutan |
kalungkutan |
| 20 |
worry |
pag-aalala |
worry |
pag-aalala |
Table 2 vividly shows the borrowing technique of word formation processing common to all languages in different parts of the world. The English word anxiety instead of “pagkabalisa”; the word pride instead of “kapalaluan”; worry instead of “pag-aalala” are just examples that English words are commonly preferred by the residents being their second language. The borrowed terms are lexical-free English borrowed morphemes.
5.1.2. Comitative Nouns
These nouns denote a case of belongingness or accompaniment in a social or cultural context. These relational or comitative nouns may appear in phrases or clauses. But in this paper, samples focus on nominal words.
Table 3. Comitative nouns.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
a person whom you tell jokes to |
kabiruan |
kabiruan |
kabiruan |
| 2 |
childhood friend |
kababata |
kababata |
kababata |
| 3 |
classmate |
kaklase |
kaklase |
kaklase |
| 4 |
comrade |
kasamahan |
kasamahan |
kasamahan |
| 5 |
countryman |
kababayan |
kababayan |
kababayan |
| 6 |
co-worker |
kamanggagawa |
co-worker |
katrabaho |
| 7 |
friend |
kaibigan |
kaibigan |
kaibigan |
| 8 |
groupmate |
groupmate |
kagrupo |
kagrupo |
| 9 |
interlocutor |
kausap |
kausap |
kausap |
| 10 |
neighbor |
kapitbahay |
kapitbahay |
kapitbahay |
| 11 |
orgmate |
orgmate |
orgmate |
kasamahan sa
oranisasyon |
| 12 |
playmate |
kalaro |
kalaro |
kalaro |
| 13 |
relative; kin |
kamag-anak |
kamaganak |
kamag-anak |
| 14 |
roommate |
roommate |
roommate |
roommate |
| 15 |
sibling |
kapatid |
kapatid |
kapatid |
Table 3 shows three instances of morphological varieties in addressing co-worker. The two examples “kamanggagawa” and “katrabaho” to mean co-worker are Tagalog versions: “kamanggagawa” is a term composed of: the prefix “ka” + prefix “mag” “gawa” (stem) with duplication of the first syllable of the stem “gawa” (work). The other used is “empleyado”, a Spanish-influenced or Tagalized Spanish.
The next term again is an effect borrowing the original term in English co-worker. And the last, katrabaho—morphologically composed by the affixation of the term trabaho influenced by Spanish trabajar (to work) to illustrate: prefix ka-trabaho (stem) to mean co-worker or fellow worker.
Orgmate and roommate are both addressed in Tagalog by utilizing a descriptive word plus the nominal as shown with kasamahan sa organisasyon (orgmate) and kasamahan sa kwarto (roommate) —prefix ka-sama (stem)—suffix-han. The use of borrowing the foreign term is applied with the use of roommate.
5.1.3. Reciprocal Nouns
These types of nouns express relationships among Filipinos being addressed. The social relationship may be by blood or social or spiritual affinities. It may mean also other reciprocities.
Table 4. Reciprocal nouns.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
a child and his/her aunt |
mag-tiya |
magtiya |
mag-tiya |
| 2 |
a child and his/her
grandfather |
mag-lolo |
maglolo |
mag-lolo |
| 3 |
a child and his/her
grandmother |
mag-lola |
maglola |
mag-lola |
| 4 |
a child and his/her uncle |
mag-tiyo |
magtiyo |
mag tiyo |
| 5 |
brothers-in-law |
mag-bilas |
mag-bilas |
mag-bilas |
| 6 |
business partners |
magkasosyo |
magkasosyo |
magkasosyo |
| 7 |
couple; husband and wife |
mag-asawa |
magasawa |
mag-asawa |
| 8 |
cousins |
magpinsan |
magpinsan |
magpinsan |
| 9 |
employer and employee |
mag-amo |
mag-amo |
mag-amo |
| 10 |
father and child |
mag-ama |
magama |
mag-ama |
| 11 |
friends |
magkaibigan |
magkaibigan |
magkaibigan |
| 12 |
lovers |
magkasintahan |
magkasintahan |
magkasintahan |
| 13 |
mother and child |
mag-ina |
magnanay |
mag-ina |
| 14 |
neighbours |
magkapitbahay |
magkapitbahay |
magkapitbahay |
| 15 |
parents-in-law |
magbalae |
magbalae |
magbalae |
| 16 |
relatives; kins |
magkamag-anak |
kamaganak |
magkamag-anak |
| 17 |
siblings |
magkapatid |
magkapatid |
magkapatid |
| 18 |
sisters-in-law |
mag-hipag |
maghipag |
mag-hipag |
| 19 |
two objects placed back-to-back |
magkatalikod |
magkatalikod |
magkatalikod |
| 20 |
two persons/objects
facing each other |
magkaharap |
magkaharap |
magkaharap |
Table 4 rarely displays morphophonemic peculiarities to express reciprocal nouns. Commonly, reciprocities in Tagalog nouns are usually displayed with this morphological pattern: prefix mag + (stem) like in mag-ina—Prefix mag-ina (stem); Prefix “mag”, “nanay” (stem).
5.1.4. Instigator Nouns
These nouns usually refer to persons who cause something to happen that may be good or bad. Instigator noun is usually produced by nominalization.
Table 5. Instigator nouns.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
baker |
magtitinapay |
panadero |
panadero |
| 2 |
batter |
tagapalo ng bola |
tagapalo ng bola |
tagapalo ng bola |
| 3 |
carrier |
tagabuhat |
tagahatid |
carrier |
| 4 |
catcher |
tagasalo ng bola |
tagasalo ng bola |
catcher |
| 5 |
cleaner |
tagalinis |
tagalinins |
tagalinis |
| 6 |
cook |
tagaluto |
tagaluto |
tagaluto |
| 7 |
decision-maker |
tagapagpasya |
tagapagpasya |
tagapagpasya |
| 8 |
desk cleaner |
tagapunas |
tagapunas |
tagapunas |
| 9 |
dishwasher |
tagahugas ng
pinggan |
tagahugas |
tagahugas ng
pinggan |
| 10 |
fetcher |
tagasundo |
tagasundo |
tagasundo |
| 11 |
follower |
tagasunod |
tagasunod |
tagasunod |
| 12 |
gardener |
hardinero |
hardinero |
hardinero |
| 13 |
holder |
tagahawak |
tagahawak |
tagahawak |
| 14 |
investigator |
imbestigador |
imbestigador |
imbestigador |
| 15 |
laundry maker |
tagalaba |
labandera |
tagalaba |
| 16 |
leader |
leader |
leader |
leader |
| 17 |
plumber |
tubero |
tubero |
tubero |
| 18 |
sweeper |
tagawalis |
tagawalis |
tagawalis |
| 19 |
vendor |
vendor |
tindera |
magtitinda |
| 20 |
water loader/filler |
tagaigib |
tagaigib |
tagaigib |
| 21 |
weight lifter |
weight lifter |
tagabuhat |
tagabuhat |
The instigator nouns in Tagalog are normally produced with this morphological pattern of prefixation. With tagabuhat, tagasalo, tagalinis, tagabuhat, etc., they are formed by prefix “taga “+ (stem). The prefix taga in Tagalog has a meaning of putting a capacity of doing the headword that be added to it like prefix “taga” + “buhat” (lift); prefix “taga” + “salo” (catch), prefix “taga” + “linis” (clean), and prefix “taga” + “buhat” (lift). Still, lexical borrowing of foreign term occurs as vendor, catcher (English term), and Panadero (Spanish derived) are shown by the data presented (Table 5).
Table 6. Body parts/organs.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
alak-alakan |
alak-alakan |
alak alakan |
alak-alakan |
| 2 |
atay |
atay |
atay |
atay |
| 3 |
baba |
Baba |
Baba |
Baba |
| 4 |
baga |
Baga |
Baga |
Baga |
| 5 |
bahay-bata |
bahay-bata |
bahay-bata |
bahay-bata |
| 6 |
balagat |
balagat |
balagat |
Balagat |
| 7 |
balikat |
balikat |
balikat |
balikat |
| 8 |
batok |
batok |
Batok |
Batok |
| 9 |
baywang |
baywang |
baywang |
baywang |
| 10 |
bigote |
bigote |
bigote |
bigote |
| 11 |
binti |
Binti |
binti |
Binti |
| 12 |
bituka |
bituka |
bituka |
bituka |
| 13 |
braso |
braso |
braso |
braso |
| 14 |
buhok |
buhok |
buhok |
buhok |
| 15 |
bunbunan |
bunbunan |
bunbunan |
bunbunan |
| 16 |
bungo |
bungo |
bungo |
bungo |
| 17 |
buto |
buto |
buto |
buto |
| 18 |
daliri |
daliri |
daliri |
daliri |
| 19 |
dibdib |
dibdib |
dibdib |
dibdib |
| 20 |
galang-galangan (wrist) |
wrist |
wrist |
wrist |
| 21 |
gilagid |
galagid |
gilagid |
galagid |
| 22 |
gulugod |
gulugod |
gulugod |
gulugod |
| 23 |
gulung-gulungan |
gulung-gulungan |
gulung gulungan |
gulung-gulungan |
| 24 |
hita |
hita |
hita |
hita |
| 25 |
ilong |
ilong |
ilong |
ilong |
| 26 |
kamay |
kamay |
kamay |
kamay |
| 27 |
kasu-kasuan |
kasu-kasuan |
kasu-kasuan |
kasu-kasuan |
| 28 |
kilay |
kilay |
kilay |
kilay |
| 29 |
kili-kili |
kili-kili |
kili-kili |
kili-kili |
| 30 |
kuko |
kuko |
kuko |
kuko |
| 31 |
labi |
labi |
labi |
labi |
| 32 |
lapay |
lapay |
lapay |
lapay |
| 33 |
leeg |
leeg |
leeg |
leeg |
| 34 |
mata |
mata |
mata |
mata |
| 35 |
mukha |
mukha |
mukha |
mukha |
| 36 |
ngala-ngala |
ngala-ngala |
ngala-ngala |
ngala-ngala |
| 37 |
ngipin |
ngipin |
ngipin |
ngipin |
| 38 |
noo |
noo |
noo |
noo |
| 39 |
paa |
paa |
paa |
paa |
| 40 |
palad |
palad |
palad |
palad |
| 41 |
paypay |
paypay |
paypay |
paypay |
| 42 |
pilik-mata |
pilik-mata |
pilik-mata |
pilik-mata |
| 43 |
pisngi |
pisngi |
pisngi |
pisngi |
| 44 |
puso |
puso |
puso |
puso |
| 45 |
pusod |
pusod |
pusod |
pusod |
| 46 |
puson |
puson |
puson |
puson |
| 47 |
puyo |
puyo |
puyo |
puyo |
| 48 |
sasapnan |
sasapnan |
sasapnan |
sasapnan |
| 49 |
siko |
siko |
siko |
siko |
| 50 |
sipit-sipitan |
sipit-sipitan |
sipit-sipitan |
sipit-sipitan |
| 51 |
supot-apdo |
supot-apdo |
supot-apdo |
supot-apdo |
| 52 |
tadyang |
tadyang |
tadyang |
tadyang |
| 53 |
tainga |
tainga |
tainga |
tainga |
| 54 |
talampakan |
talampakan |
talampakan |
talampakan |
| 55 |
talukap |
talukap |
talukap |
talukap |
| 56 |
tiyan |
tiyan |
tiyan |
tiyan |
| 57 |
trakeya |
trakeya |
trakeya |
trakeya |
| 58 |
tuhod |
tuhod |
tuhod |
tuhod |
| 59 |
tuktok |
tuktok |
tuktok |
tuktok |
| 60 |
tumbong |
tumbong |
tumbong |
tumbong |
| 61 |
ulo |
ulo |
ulo |
ulo |
Among the sixty-one words referring to the body parts presented in Table 6, not one has lexical variations from the subject towns included in the province of Bataan.
Commonly, Tagalog coined word referring to parts or organs of the body may have shown evidence in the list like below.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 2 |
atay (liver) |
atay |
atay |
atay |
| 3 |
baba (chin) |
baba |
baba |
baba |
| 4 |
baga (lung) |
baga |
baga |
baga |
| 7 |
balikat (shoulder) |
balikat |
balikat |
balikat |
| 8 |
Batok (nape) |
batok |
batok |
batok |
| 9 |
baywang (waist) |
baywang |
baywang |
baywang |
| 10 |
bigote (mustache) |
bigote |
bigote |
bigote |
| 11 |
binti (leg) |
binti |
binti |
binti |
| 12 |
bituka (intestine) |
bituka |
bituka |
bituka |
| 14 |
buhok (hair) |
buhok |
buhok |
buhok |
Second noticeable in the table is the use of compounding or tambalan in morphological formation of the language as shown by the following terms:
bahay-batabahay (house) + bata (child)
pilik-matapilik (eyelash) + mata (eye)
supot-apdosupot (bag) + apdo (vile)
Third word formation process exhibited by the data in this Tagalog nominals is reduplication or duplication of a morpheme like in the list below following. Take note, the repeated or duplicated term does not have exact meaning for it to be called a lexical morpheme but may be bound morpheme.
alak-alakanalak + alakanalak-alakan
(This Tagalog lexis does not have equivalent in English, this is located at the leg, back part of the knees)
gulung-gulungangulung + -gulungan gulung-gulungan (esophagus)
kasu-kasuankasu + -kasuan kasu-kasuan (joint)
kili-kilikili + -kilikilik-kili (armpit)
ngala-ngalangala + -ngala ngal-ngala (palate)
Table 7 presents the sixty-three words referring to the other nominals in Bataan showing two words having lexical varieties. These are katunggali (enemy) and manggagawa (laborer). The former having katunggali and kalaban are lexical variants to mean enemy where prefix ka- is added to tunggali (head) to make a nominal. Prefix “ka” evidently serves a nominalizer in the word. On the other hand, with the word manggagawa (laborer), prefix “mang” + “ga” (reduplication)—gawa (labor) (head function) composes the morphophonemic properties of sample lexical variant. Prefix “mang” is a kind of nominalizer also having an instigator-characteristic effect when added to a Tagalog nominal.
Table 7. Other common nominals.
| NO. |
ENGLISH |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
alimasag |
alimasag |
alimasag |
alimasag |
| 2 |
alulod |
alulod |
alulod |
alulod |
| 3 |
alupihan |
alupihan |
alupihan |
alupihan |
| 4 |
am |
am |
am |
am |
| 5 |
ambon |
ambon |
ambon |
ambon |
| 6 |
aratilis |
aratilis |
aratilis |
aratilis |
| 7 |
babagan |
babagan |
babagan |
babagan |
| 8 |
bagoong isda |
bagoong isda |
bagoong isda |
bagoong isda |
| 9 |
balkonahe |
balkonahe |
balkonahe |
balkonahe |
| 10 |
bayawak |
bayawak |
bayawak |
bayawak |
| 11 |
bilo-bilo |
bilo-bilo |
bilo-bilo |
bilo-bilo |
| 12 |
biloy |
biloy |
biloy |
biloy |
| 13 |
binatog |
binatog |
binatog |
binatog |
| 14 |
bisiro |
bisiro |
bisiro |
bisiro |
| 15 |
bonete |
bonete |
bonete |
bonete |
| 16 |
bubong |
bubong |
bubong |
bubong |
| 17 |
bugtong |
bugtong |
bugtong |
bugtong |
| 18 |
busil |
busil |
busil |
busil |
| 19 |
buslo |
buslo |
buslo |
buslo |
| 20 |
damit |
damit |
damit |
damit |
| 21 |
duhat |
duhat |
duhat |
duhat |
| 22 |
gamu-gamo |
gamu-gamo |
gamu-gamo |
gamu-gamo |
| 23 |
ginaok |
ginaok |
ginaok |
ginaok |
| 24 |
hihip |
hihip |
hihip |
hihip |
| 25 |
hikaw |
hikaw |
hikaw |
hikaw |
| 26 |
hipon |
hipon |
hipon |
hipon |
| 27 |
inahing baboy |
inahing baboy |
inahing baboy |
inahing baboy |
| 28 |
inahing manok |
inahing manok |
inahing manok |
inahing manok |
| 29 |
kaimito |
kaimito |
kaimito |
kaimito |
| 30 |
kaing |
kaing |
kaing |
kaing |
| 31 |
kalamansi |
kalamansi |
kalamansi |
kalamansi |
| 32 |
kalaykay |
kalaykay |
kalaykay |
kalaykay |
| 33 |
kamyas |
kamyas |
kamyas |
kamyas |
| 34 |
kapitbahay |
kapitbahay |
kapitbahay |
kapitbahay |
| 35 |
katang |
katang |
katang |
katang |
| 36 |
katunggali |
katunggali |
kalaban |
katunggali |
| 37 |
kawali |
kawali |
kawali |
kawali |
| 38 |
kumpas |
kumpas |
kumpas |
kumpas |
| 39 |
langka |
langka |
langka |
langka |
| 40 |
lanubo |
lanubo |
lanubo |
lanubo |
| 41 |
maliit na ilog |
maliit na ilog |
maliit na itlog |
maliit na ilog |
| 42 |
manggagawa |
manggagawa |
manggagawa |
trabahador |
| 43 |
nunal |
nunal |
nunal |
nunal |
| 44 |
paaralan |
paaralan |
paaralan |
paaralan |
| 45 |
paete (paiti) |
paete |
paete |
paete |
| 46 |
palamuti |
palamuti |
palamuti |
dekorasyon |
| 47 |
palakol |
palakol |
palakol |
palakol |
| 48 |
palengke |
palengke |
palengke |
palengke |
| 49 |
panghimagas |
panghimagas |
panghimagas |
panghimagas |
| 50 |
panungkit |
panungkit |
panungkit |
panungkit |
| 51 |
paradahan |
paradahan |
paradahan |
paradahan |
| 52 |
pasamano |
pasamano |
pasamano |
pasimano |
| 53 |
sangha |
sangha |
sangha |
sangha |
| 54 |
sigarilyas |
sigarilyas |
sigarilyas |
sigarilyas |
| 55 |
suha |
suha |
suha |
suha |
| 56 |
sombrero |
sumbrero |
sumbrero |
sumbrero |
| 57 |
talangka |
talangka |
talangka |
talangka |
| 58 |
talipapa |
talipapa |
talipapa |
talipapa |
| 59 |
tandang |
tandang |
tandang |
tandang |
| 60 |
tapalodo |
tapalodo |
tapalodo |
tapalodo |
| 61 |
tarangkahan |
tarangkahan |
tarangkahan |
tarangkahan |
| 62 |
tilapia |
tilapia |
tilapia |
tilapia |
| 63 |
yadyaran |
yadyaran |
yadyaran |
yadyaran |
5.2. Pronominals
These are referential words that are capable of substituting for entire noun phrases. The pronominals include personal pronouns reflexive pronouns, demonstratives, interrogatives, indefinite pronouns, quantifiers, and numbers.
Table 8. Numeral nominals.
| NO. |
FILIPINO |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
isa |
isa |
isa |
isa |
| 2 |
dalawa |
dalawa |
dalawa |
dalawa |
| 3 |
tatlo |
tatlo |
tatlo |
tatlo |
| 4 |
apat |
apat |
apat |
apat |
| 5 |
lima |
lima |
lima |
lima |
| 6 |
anim |
six |
anim |
anim |
| 7 |
pito |
seven |
pito |
pito |
| 8 |
walo |
walo |
walo |
walo |
| 9 |
siyam |
siyam |
siyam |
siyam |
| 10 |
sampu |
ten |
sampu |
sampu |
| 11 |
labing-isa |
eleven |
eleven |
eleven |
| 12 |
labindalawa |
twelve |
twelve |
labindalawa |
| 13 |
labintatlo |
labintatlo |
thirteen |
labintatlo |
| 14 |
labing-apat |
labing-apat |
labing apat |
labing-apat |
| 15 |
labinlima |
labinlima |
labinlima |
labinlima |
| 16 |
labing-anim |
sixteen |
labing anim |
labing-anim |
| 17 |
labimpito |
labimpito |
labimpito |
labimpito |
| 18 |
labingwalo |
eighteen |
eighteen |
eighteen |
| 19 |
labinsiyam |
nineteen |
nineteen |
labinsiyam |
| 20 |
dalawampu |
twenty |
dalawampu |
dalawampu |
| 21 |
tatlompu |
tatlompu |
tatlumpu |
tatlompu |
| 22 |
apat napu |
apat napu |
apatnapu |
apat napu |
| 23 |
limampu |
limampu |
fifty |
limampu |
| 24 |
animnapu |
animnapu |
animnapu |
animnapu |
| 25 |
pitumpu |
pitumpu |
seventy |
pitumpu |
| 26 |
walumpu |
walumpu |
walumpu |
walumpu |
| 27 |
siyamnapu |
siyamnapu |
siyamnapu |
siyamnapu |
| 28 |
sandaan |
sandaan |
isang daan |
sandaan |
| 29 |
limandaan |
limandaan |
limandaan |
limandaan |
| 30 |
sanlibo |
sanlibo |
one thousand |
sanlibo |
| 32 |
sampunlibo |
sampunlibo |
ten thousand |
sampunlibo |
| 33 |
sandaang libo |
sandaang libo |
one hundred
thousand |
sandaang libo |
| 34 |
kalahating
milyon |
kalahating
milyon |
kalahating
milyon |
kalahating
milyon |
| 35 |
isang milyon |
one million |
one million |
isang milyon |
Table 8 on numerical nominal exhibits obvious borrowing of English numeral terms to mean quantity or amount. The summary of observed lexical numeral terms is presented below.
| NO. |
FILIPINO |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 6 |
anim |
six |
anim |
anim |
| 7 |
pito |
seven |
pito |
pito |
| 10 |
sampu |
ten |
sampu |
sampu |
| 12 |
labindalawa |
twelve |
twelve |
labindalawa |
| 13 |
labintatlo |
labintatlo |
thirteen |
labintatlo |
| 16 |
labing-anim |
sixteen |
labing anim |
labing-anim |
| 20 |
dalawampu |
twenty |
dalawampu |
dalawampu |
| 23 |
limampu |
limampu |
fifty |
limampu |
| 25 |
pitumpu |
pitumpu |
seventy |
pitumpu |
| 28 |
sandaan |
sandaan |
isang daan |
sandaan |
| 30 |
sanlibo |
sanlibo |
one thousand |
sanlibo |
| 32 |
sampunlibo |
sampunlibo |
ten thousand |
sampunlibo |
| 33 |
sandaang libo |
sandaang libo |
one hundred
thousand |
sandaang libo |
| 35 |
isang milyon |
one million |
one million |
isang milyon |
Assimilation—“labintatlo”—prefix “labing” + “tatlo” (three) “labingtatlo”. Assimilation with the sound of /ŋ/ /ng/ in labing and /n/ when added to tatlo. Assimilation normally occurs nasalized phonemes /ŋ/, /n/, and /m/. Same case occurs with “labindalawa”, “dalawampu”, and “sanlibo”.
Phoneme deletion occurs in “sandaang libo” and “sanlibo” where:
“isa” (number) + suffix “ng” + “libo” (thousand)“sanlibo”
“isa” (number) + suffix “ng” + “daan” (hundred)“sandaan”
Deletion of phoneme /i/ happens resulting -san ang the sound of /ŋ/ assimilates resulting to “sandaan”. Same case is with “sanlibo”.
5.2.1. Ordinal Nominals
The ordinal nominals are usually used to present succession of orders in numbering commonly based on time or criteria.
Table 9. Ordinal nominals.
| NO. |
FILIPINO |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
Una |
Una |
Una |
Una |
| 2 |
pangalawa |
pangalawa |
pangalawa |
pangalawa |
| 3 |
pangatlo |
pangatlo |
pangatlo |
pangatlo |
| 4 |
pang-apat |
pang-apat |
pang apat |
pang-apat |
| 5 |
panlima |
panlima |
panlima |
panlima |
| 6 |
pang-anim |
pang-anim |
pang anim |
pang-anim |
| 7 |
pampito |
pampito |
pampito |
pampito |
| 8 |
pangwalo |
pangwalo |
pangwalo |
pangwalo |
| 9 |
pansiyam |
pansiyam |
pansiyam |
pansiyam |
| 10 |
pansampu |
pansampu |
pansampu |
pansampu |
No peculiar lexical variant is shown in Table 9 with use ordinal numbers to mean succession in position or rank for Bataan Tagalog speakers except for language performance of the respondents. Although, it is acceptable more on oral register that hyphen is not needed or recognized to say the numbers “pangapat” (fourth) and “panganim” (sixth) Tagalog. But, Filipino grammar or Tagalog grammar requires the use of hyphen between the prefix “pang” to suggest succession quality of the proceeding number or the headword when the number is written. A hyphen would also indicate a glottal stop. To illustrate:
Prefix pang- + anim (six) panganim (sixth).
but more proper in Tagalog to say:
pang-anim (sixth).
5.2.2. Deictics and Demonstratives
These are also words relating to something but the meaning is dependent on the context in which it is used. The deictic or demonstrative words like here, you, me, that, one, there, or next are also observed in Bataan Tagalog. Table 10 below shows some of their equivalents.
Table 10. Deictics and demonstratives.
| NO. |
FILIPINO |
1st District |
2nd District |
3rd District |
| 1 |
ito (this) |
ito |
ito |
ito |
| 2 |
iyan (that) |
iyan |
iyan |
iyan |
| 3 |
iyon (that) |
iyon |
iyon |
iyon |
| 4 |
dito (here) |
dito |
dito |
dito |
| 5 |
diyan (there) |
diyan |
diyan |
diyan |
| 6 |
doon (there) |
doon |
doon |
doon |
| 7 |
ganito (like this) |
ganito |
ganito |
ganito |
| 8 |
ganyan (like that) |
ganyan |
ganyan |
ganyan |
| 9 |
ganoon (like that) |
ganoon |
ganoon |
ganoon |
| 10 |
parito |
parito |
parito |
parito |
| 11 |
paroon |
paroon |
paroon |
paroon |
| 12 |
pariyan |
pariyan |
pariyan |
pariyan |
| 13 |
nito (this) |
nito |
nito |
nito |
| 14 |
niyan (that) |
niyan |
niyan |
niyan |
| 15 |
noon (before) |
noon |
noon |
noon |
| 16 |
nire |
nire |
nire |
nire |
| 17 |
ire |
ire |
ire |
ire |
Among the seventeen Deictics and Demonstratives not one lexical variety for each word occurs. Demonstrative “that” in English is expressed in Bataan Tagalog with the use of Tagalog demonstrative “iyan”, “iyon”, or “niyan” while “this” is expressed by Tagalog demonstrative “ito”. But to mean “like that” the words “ganyan” or “ganoon” may be used; “like this” can be expressed with “ganito”. Tagalog deictics “diyan” (nearer) or “doon” (far) are used to mean “there” in English. But morphological variations do not seem occurring in the locale of the study
6. Conclusion
Our current data evidently shows that Bataan Tagalog has a large degree of similarity with the Tagalog spoken in Metro Manila. The data reveals that the users make use of morphological variations by using compounding or “tambalan” in morphological formation, reduplication or duplication of a morpheme, and using nominalizers. For lexical variations, Bataeños tend to borrow terms that are from the English and Spanish language. They also consider some lexically free English borrowed morphemes. It was also observed that colonial influences reflect in the lexical variety of the terms. Lastly, morpho phonemics were observed such as Assimilation and Phoneme deletion.
Bataan Tagalog is a dialect of the Tagalog language described in the Tagalog reference grammar of Schacter & Otanes (1972). Similarly, this variety has undergone hybridity where speakers tend to adapt their usage to the trend of the society. As can be seen in data, speakers have their own lexical variation on nominals and pronominals listed. Despite this, Tagalog is the Lingua Franca of the province. Data shows that inhabitants of the area have their equivalent lexical repertoire for the different nominal and proniminal items as compared with the standard Tagalog lexicons.
The investigation gave more proof that the Bataan Tagalog is a dialect of the standard Tagalog. This is due to the geographical proximity of Bataan to other provinces in Central Luzon who are also Tagalog speakers but have their own Tagalog variety.
7. Recommendation
The template is designed so that author affiliations are not repeated each time for multiple. The corpus created in this study as mentioned in the earlier part of the paper can make use of the different age groups speaking the language. There can be a comparative study of the data, hence making a generational aggregate. With this possible investigation, the gathered data may confirm a speaker’s generational group thereby showing uniqueness of each from the other groups as well as making a generational aggregate. Probably the hybridity of the Tagalog language in one generation to the other can be observed thus the future of the Tagalog language can be described/foreseen.
Another can be a lexical analysis of the same age groups but in different towns/districts of the province. This then can identify the distinction/similarities of each town/district thereby concretizing the identity of the Bataan Tagalog.
Several avenues exist for further exploration. A deeper dive into the lexicon could analyze the reasons behind borrowing from English and Spanish, and how these borrowings are adapted. Sociolinguistic factors like speaker age, social class, and urban/rural variations could be investigated to see if they influence Bataan Tagalog usage. To facilitate further research, creating a corpus of Bataan Tagalog speech or writing would be valuable. Comparative analysis with other Luzon Tagalog dialects would reveal shared features and unique developments in Bataan Tagalog. Finally, studies on language change and documentation could explore how Bataan Tagalog has evolved over time, and if necessary, contribute to projects safeguarding the dialect if it faces decline. These future endeavors will provide a richer understanding of Bataan Tagalog’s distinct characteristics within the broader Tagalog language landscape.
Acknowledgements
The researchers gratefully acknowledge above all things, the God Almighty for providing all the resources and strength they needed for the successful conception of this study. The researchers remain indebted to the following people for their utmost support for the completion of the project.
The Bataan Peninsula State University for the unwavering support it gives to all faculty members who are pursuing growth, particularly in research.
The BPSU Research and Development Office for guidance and all the help.
The authors wish to extend their gratitude to Agnes C. Francisco, PhD, and Catherine R. Mojica, PhD candidate, from Cavite State University, Cavite, Philippines, for their invaluable contribution to the original framework and conceptualization of this study. The initial research was conducted in their locality, providing a basis for a potential comparative analysis of the findings between the Cavite and Bataan Tagalog contexts.
The respondents of the study, friends from Bataan, parents and grandparents of students who are enrolled in the classes of the researchers both in the undergraduate and graduate school.
The graduate school students Ms. Judy Anne Aguilar, Ms. Maria Camille Capiral, Ms. Zha Ann Nabor and Ms. Blessie Kaye Redima who helped us process the raw data.
The validators of this study from SIL International-Philippines, Komisyon ng Wikang Filipino (KWF) and a Filipino Linguist namely Ms. Ryn Jean Fe V. Gonzales, Mr. Earvin Pelagio and Dr. Teresita F. Fortunato respectively.