Gender Stereotypes: Analyzing Household Chores and Workplace Perceptions among Middle-Aged and Young Adults in India ()
1. Introduction
Gender stereotypes play a significant role in shaping expectations around men’s and women’s roles, particularly in household chores and the workplace. These stereotypes, rooted in traditional cultural norms, continue to impact gender equality despite economic and social modernization. In many Asian countries, household chores are often viewed as the responsibility of women due to deep-rooted patriarchal norms. Studies have consistently shown that women spend significantly more time on unpaid domestic work compared to men. For example, Hochschild and Machung (2012) emphasize the concept of the “second shift,” where women, even when employed, bear the burden of housework after returning home. Research has shown that individuals who deviate from traditional gender roles often face social stigma or criticism from family, peers, and society (Heise et al., 2019). For example, men who take on caregiving roles or become house-husbands may encounter disapproval from extended family and peers, as these roles are still largely viewed as non-traditional for men (Cohen et al., 2016). Similarly, women in male-dominated fields or leadership roles may experience gender-based judgments, being perceived as “too aggressive” or “unfeminine”. Social norms and expectations continue to influence these dynamics, with many individuals feeling the pressure to conform to traditional gender roles to avoid social exclusion (Moss-Racusin et al., 2010). Although societal attitudes toward gender roles are evolving, the persistent influence of traditional views means that individuals who break gender stereotypes still face challenges and prejudices, particularly in more conservative communities (Ridgeway & Correll, 2004). Peer pressure also plays a significant role in shaping choices, with men in non-traditional roles often experiencing feelings of inadequacy and women being stereotyped or questioned for their competence (Kuperberg, 2018). The persistence of gendered norms in India is also observed in rural settings. A study by Gupta (2025) reveals that rural women spend substantial time on unpaid labor, including cooking, cleaning, and caregiving, which limits their ability to engage in paid work or education (Singh, 2025a). While urban households show a slightly higher degree of chore-sharing due to education and exposure to modern gender norms, these shifts remain gradual (Vaishnav, 2021). At the workplace, gender stereotypes perpetuate inequalities in leadership, pay, and opportunities. Across Asian countries, women often face the “glass ceiling,” restricting upward mobility into leadership roles. In patriarchal societies like India, women are frequently perceived as less suited for decision-making roles, often being relegated to support or administrative positions (Ridgeway & Correll, 2004).
In the Indian context, Bhatnagar and Rajadhyaksha (2020) discuss the challenges women face due to workplace biases and social expectations. Many Indian women are forced to leave the workforce post-marriage or childbirth due to a lack of workplace support for caregiving responsibilities. The “M-shaped” labor participation curve observed in South Korea (Kang & Jang, 2020) similarly applies to India, where women re-enter the workforce only when caregiving burdens are reduced (Singh, 2025b). Additionally, wage gaps remain persistent. According to ILO (2021), Indian women earn, on average, 20% less than men for similar work, a disparity stemming from stereotypes that perceive women’s work as secondary to men’s. This gap is further compounded by occupational segregation, with women overrepresented in teaching, healthcare, and administrative roles while underrepresented in leadership and STEM careers (Gupta, 2022). The interplay between stereotypes at home and at work creates a dual burden for women, limiting their professional opportunities. In India, Kabeer (2003) highlights how unpaid domestic labor reinforces women’s economic disempowerment. Women’s disproportionate responsibility for housework reduces their time for skill development (Singh et al., 2016), networking, and career advancement, which, in turn, perpetuates workplace stereotypes about their competence and availability.
Recent studies also identify generational differences in task-sharing behaviors. According to Dutta and Sinha (2022), younger, urban couples in India exhibit greater collaboration in chores compared to older generations. This shift reflects changing gender attitudes in modern, educated households, although such changes are more pronounced in cities than rural areas. While modernization, education, and urban exposure have led to incremental changes in gender roles in Asia, including India, deeply entrenched stereotypes continue to influence women’s lives both at home and in the workplace. Addressing these issues requires systemic (Singh, 2017) solutions such as policy interventions, equitable labor practices, and cultural shifts to challenge traditional gender norms. The literature underscores how gender stereotypes intersect across domestic and professional domains, creating persistent challenges for women. Women remain overburdened with household chores while simultaneously facing intellectual biases in workplaces. Although education, urban exposure, and cultural shifts show promise in challenging these norms, deeply ingrained stereotypes still influence gender roles. To address these inequalities, cultural and institutional changes are essential, fostering environments where both men and women can share responsibilities equitably and thrive professionally.
2. Method
This study employed a cross-sectional survey design to explore the influence of gender stereotypes on the time spent on house chores and the perception of gender roles in the workplace. In 2023 the total urban population in India was 36% (518,239,122) of the total population (Worldometer, 2025) out of which the middle-aged population constituted around 68% (Statista, 2025), amounting to 352,402,640. The required sample size for a population of 352,402,640, with a 99% confidence level and a 5% margin of error, is approximately 663. Participants were chosen based on their inclusion in a shared age group. The middle-aged individuals were selected from a cohort of 30 who had completed the same undergraduate professional program together. While their postgraduate and doctoral studies, as well as professional experiences, varied, they represented a diverse group in terms of age, gender, education, and employment status. Young adults between the ages of 18 and 25 were selected from a pool of university students. The survey was conducted online and remained open for a week. A total of 54 participants completed the form, with 78% belonging to the middle-aged group (45 - 50 years), while the rest were between 18 and 25 years old. Data was collected on demographics, time spent on house chores (both on weekdays and weekends), and participants’ beliefs about gender roles at home and in the workplace. Key independent variables included gender, educational qualification, employment status, job role, and participants’ perceptions of gender stereotypes, while the dependent variable was the time spent on housework. Descriptive statistics (Appendix A) were used to summarize the data, and Pearson’s correlation coefficient was calculated to examine the relationships between time spent on house chores and the independent variables. A multiple linear regression analysis was performed to model time spent on house chores as a function of gender, education level, job role, and beliefs about gender roles, allowing for an assessment of how these factors influenced the time individuals reported spending on housework. The study assumed normality, linearity, and independence for regression analysis, and the data was self-reported, which may introduce biases such as social desirability or recall errors. Limitations included the cross-sectional nature of the study, which restricts causal inferences, and the sample size, which may affect the generalizability of the findings.
The survey consisted of a series of closed-ended questions designed to gather demographic information (such as age, gender, educational qualification, and job type), data on time spent on house chores (with participants reporting the average hours spent on weekdays and weekends, with response options like “0 - 1 hour,” “1 - 2 hours,” and “More than 4 hours”), and insights into participants’ attitudes toward gender roles both at home and in the workplace. The response scale for these attitude questions ranged from “Strongly Disagree” to “Strongly Agree.” Additionally, participants were asked to reflect on whether they believed gender roles at home and work were influenced by religious, cultural, or societal expectations, providing further context for understanding how gender stereotypes may shape behavior and perceptions. Religiousness was defined as the practice of traditional ceremonies and rituals, typically carried out by women in the household, including pujas, fasting, and visits to places of worship such as gurudwaras, mosques, churches, and temples. As women are often responsible for these duties—whether by choice or obligation—they must balance their professional responsibilities alongside domestic tasks. In families that adhere to traditional and religious customs, the burden of household duties tends to be greater for women. Cultural variation was interpreted through financial independence and urban lifestyles. Examples include familial support for women to pursue work and education post-marriage. Urban lifestyles encompass factors such as women’s freedom of expression, autonomy in financial decisions, and participation in social and recreational activities like outings with friends. Participants were encouraged to answer the questions honestly and were assured of their anonymity. Ethical considerations were prioritized, and participants were informed that their participation was voluntary.
3. Results
In this study, Cronbach’s alpha value for the nine-item scale is 0.71, which meets the threshold for acceptable reliability (Nunnally, 1978) and is acceptable in social sciences research (Gliem & Gliem, 2003). This indicates that the items are sufficiently interrelated and collectively capture a coherent construct related to perceptions of adherence to religious customs, collaboration on household chores, perceptions of technical competence, and workplace policies about gender-specific roles. A Cronbach’s alpha value of 0.71 indicates acceptable internal consistency among the items in the scale, suggesting that they reliably measure a common underlying construct related to perceptions and practices surrounding gender roles in domestic and professional settings. Items such as “You consider yourself to follow religious customs based on gender” and “You believe that in your immediate society, gender-specific roles are influenced by religious beliefs and customs” reflect individual and societal attitudes shaped by religious norms.
Family dynamics and household practices are explored through items like “Gender-specific roles are apparent in your immediate and extended family,” “Time spent by you on house chores on weekdays,” and “When time allowed, you collaborated with your partner on household chores.” The consistency in responses suggests a shared understanding of how responsibilities are divided, reinforcing the concept of gendered labor distribution. Additionally, items addressing technical queries, such as “You ask for help from your partner in a technical query like quick math or home improvement details” and “In the past, the opposite gender displayed impressive intellect in technical topics within projects and discussions,” explore gendered perceptions of technical competence. These items likely exhibit moderate inter-item correlation as they examine complementary aspects of perceived strengths in technical tasks. Workplace policies and practices are also represented through items like “In the past your office/team has hired people based on gender-specific roles” and “Your office/team policy has gender-specific roles based on shift timings (day/night).” These items connect broader societal norms to organizational behavior, highlighting how gender roles extend into professional settings.
![]()
Figure 1. Normal probability plot.
The normal probability plot (Figure 1) suggests that the “time spent of house chores on weekends” is not normally distributed due to the discrete nature of the data and the step-like pattern observed in the plot.
Table 1. Correlation matrix between the time spent on household chores and the demographic variables, religiousness and collaborative attitude.
|
Time spent of house chores on weekends |
Time spent of house chores on weekdays |
Gender |
Age |
Education |
Exposure to culture of cities |
Exposure to culture of countries |
Religiousness |
perception that society has gender specific roles |
gender stereotypes in immediate family |
collaboration of partners in household chores |
Help from partner in quick math or home improvement |
Time spent on house chores on weekends |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Time spent on house chores on weekdays |
0.622 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Gender |
−0.208 |
−0.321 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Age |
0.196 |
0.409 |
−0.189 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Education |
0.373 |
0.285 |
−0.090 |
0.625 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Exposure to culture of cities |
0.241 |
0.244 |
−0.085 |
0.329 |
0.441 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Exposure to culture of countries |
−0.003 |
−0.073 |
0.046 |
0.178 |
0.201 |
0.396 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
|
Religiousness |
0.151 |
0.165 |
0.016 |
0.351 |
0.273 |
0.332 |
−0.007 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
|
perception that society has gender specific roles |
0.149 |
0.062 |
−0.116 |
−0.108 |
0.043 |
0.017 |
−0.079 |
0.120 |
1.000 |
|
|
|
gender stereotypes in immediate family |
−0.042 |
0.042 |
−0.164 |
−0.196 |
−0.128 |
0.239 |
−0.160 |
0.098 |
0.341 |
1.000 |
|
|
collaboration of partners in household chores |
0.225 |
0.179 |
−0.059 |
0.490 |
0.421 |
0.272 |
−0.034 |
0.231 |
−0.035 |
−0.111 |
1.000 |
|
Help from partner in quick math or home improvement |
0.073 |
−0.038 |
−0.027 |
0.217 |
0.186 |
−0.047 |
−0.057 |
−0.156 |
−0.194 |
−0.112 |
0.440 |
1.000 |
The correlation (Table 1) analysis highlights several important trends regarding time spent on household chores, gender, education, age, urban exposure, religiousness, and collaboration dynamics. A strong positive correlation (r = 0.62) exists between time spent on chores during weekends and weekdays, suggesting that individuals who spend more time on chores during the week are likely to continue this pattern over the weekends. Gender shows a moderate negative correlation with time spent on chores on weekends (r = −0.21) and weekdays (r = −0.32), implying that women (coded as higher values) spend more time on chores compared to men. This result reflects entrenched gender stereotypes around household labor division, as documented by Hochschild and Machung (2012) in their exploration of the “second shift” burden faced by women. Education reveals a moderate positive correlation with time spent on chores on weekends (r = 0.37) and weekdays (r = 0.29), suggesting that higher-educated individuals report greater time spent on chores. This may reflect evolving dynamics of shared responsibilities or improved accuracy in reporting, consistent with Coltrane (2000), who found education to be a predictor of more equitable domestic labor distribution. Age demonstrates a positive correlation with time spent on chores on weekdays (r = 0.41) and weekends (r = 0.20), indicating older individuals’ higher engagement in household tasks. Age also shows a strong positive correlation with the collaboration of partners in household chores (r = 0.49), Exposure to urban culture correlates positively with education (r = 0.44) and moderately with collaboration in household chores (r = 0.27), reflecting that urban cultural exposure facilitates more equitable sharing of tasks.
Religiousness correlates positively but weakly with time spent on chores (r = 0.15 for weekends and r = 0.17 for weekdays) but does not strongly align with perceptions of gender-specific roles (r = 0.12). This suggests that religious views alone do not necessarily reinforce stereotypes. Gender stereotypes in the immediate family show no significant relationship with time spent on chores but display a slight negative correlation with collaboration of partners (r = −0.11), indicating that stereotypical family dynamics may limit equitable task-sharing (Cunningham, 2001). Collaboration of partners in household chores correlates positively with education (r = 0.42) and moderately with time spent on chores on weekends (r = 0.23), suggesting that educated individuals are more likely to have supportive partners. Additionally, help from partners in tasks like quick math or home improvement correlates moderately (r = 0.44) with collaboration in household chores, suggesting broader support extends beyond routine chores. Finally, perceptions of society’s gender-specific roles show no strong correlation with time spent on chores or collaboration, underscoring the complexity of how societal stereotypes influence individual behavior.
The following regression equation highlights the key factors influencing the time spent on house chores during weekends (Appendix B).
The most significant predictor is the time spent on house chores on weekdays, suggesting that individuals who spend more time on chores during the week tend to do the same on weekends. Age has a negative impact, meaning older individuals tend to spend less time on chores. The contrasting relationship—where age shows a positive correlation with partner collaboration in household chores but a negative coefficient with time spent on chores—can be explained by several possible factors; 1) Older individuals might have more support from family members, domestic help, or grown-up children, reducing their own time spent on chores despite greater collaboration. 2) As relationships mature, couples may negotiate household responsibilities better, leading to increased collaboration but not necessarily increasing individual time spent. Education has a positive association, indicating that higher education levels may lead to more time allocated to household chores. Factors like gender, cultural exposure, religiousness, and perceptions of gender roles also play a role, though their influence varies. Interestingly, collaboration with partners and receiving help in tasks like math or home improvement appear to have a smaller impact. The model, with an R-squared value of 0.52, explains about 52% of the variability in weekend chore time, indicating a moderate level of prediction accuracy. Future studies could explore additional social and economic factors to improve the model’s predictive power.
4. Discussion
This study contributes to the existing literature on gender stereotypes in household labor by offering empirical insights into the factors that influence the division of housework across different demographic groups. The findings corroborate existing research that suggests a strong link between gender and the amount of time spent on house chores, with females, on average, dedicating more time to household tasks than males (Bittman et al., 2003). The study examined the influence of educational attainment and exposure to urban and international cultures on the time spent on housework. However, the results were not statistically significant. Larger sample sizes with a broader population could provide more reliable insights. It was observed that urban populations are more likely to engage in domestic duties compared to rural areas, which may be linked to higher educational levels in urban settings.
While previous studies have predominantly focused on workplace gender roles, this study underscores the prevalence of these stereotypes in domestic spaces, highlighting the need for further investigation into how societal norms influence household responsibilities. For instance, personality traits like conscientiousness, agreeableness, and openness could influence how individuals perceive and divide household responsibilities. More conscientious individuals might prefer a structured division of labor, while agreeable ones might take on more chores to avoid conflict. Similarly, family dynamics, such as how responsibilities were modeled in childhood homes, can shape attitudes toward task-sharing and workplace behavior.
In professional settings, these factors might influence career choices, work allocation, and managers’ biases. For example, individuals from families where traditional gender roles were dominant may unconsciously replicate similar patterns at work, either by expecting women to take on less demanding roles or by undervaluing their contributions. Personality traits like assertiveness might impact how seriously one is taken at work or how one advocates for promotions. Jobs of sight visits, late night shifts, cognitive tasks and senior management roles are related to the social environment & safety and also about egotistical prejudices for the women at the workplace. Men face criticism at home from their immediate family extended family and even friends, for choosing to carry out non-traditional roles of house-husband and taking up the responsibility of cooking and cleaning. Sometimes at home, married couples, perform their roles interchangeably suitable to their requirements. Peer pressure and the on-looker extended family express their displeasure and disapproval of breaking the gender stereotypes. Family support systems also play a role; women with greater family support might pursue demanding careers more freely.
The study analyzed responses from individuals with shared family backgrounds, social norms, job opportunities, and exposure to technology, shedding light on persistent gender inequalities. Despite having comparable educational qualifications, women took on more family responsibilities and opted for less demanding jobs compared to men. The study has limitations, as it focused on participants from a specific region, culture, or socioeconomic group, potentially limiting its broader applicability. Factors like personality, family dynamics, and regional differences in societal expectations may have also influenced the findings.
Additionally, the reliance on self-reported data and a single time frame introduces potential biases. However, the study highlights key insights: women consistently spend more time on household chores than men, underscoring enduring disparities, even as societal norms evolve. Education and urban exposure were shown to encourage equitable task-sharing, with older individuals demonstrating a more balanced division of responsibilities, reflecting shifts in social norms over the decades. For example, many respondents’ mothers, now in their 70s, were hardly undergraduates with limited access to higher education due to societal restrictions on women’s education at the time. In contrast, respondents have achieved higher educational and professional qualifications. Yet, even with these advancements, some women with professional degrees still opted for less demanding jobs to balance family responsibilities, while men continued to pursue more demanding roles involving travel and extended absences from home. The study also provides a nuanced view of religiousness, suggesting it does not always reinforce traditional gender roles. By including non-routine tasks like home improvements, the study presents a broader and more inclusive perspective on modern household dynamics.
The unequal distribution of household chores, as highlighted in this study, reflects the enduring influence of social norms and cultural expectations, which often pressure women to conform to traditional caregiving roles. These expectations, rooted in entrenched gender stereotypes, align with findings that the gendered division of domestic labor has proven resistant to change, despite the growth in married women’s labor force participation (Craig & Mullan, 2011). Media representation plays a critical role in reinforcing these stereotypes. In the Australian context, media often portrays women in traditional roles, influencing societal attitudes and perpetuating gender disparities (Lumby, 1997). Urban exposure, however, correlates positively with collaboration in household chores, suggesting that access to diverse cultural narratives—often facilitated through urban media—challenges traditional norms and fosters more equitable task-sharing dynamics. This is consistent with findings that exposure to diverse cultural settings can promote fairness in domestic labor (Tan, 2022). Addressing these deeply embedded stereotypes, both at the societal and media levels, is essential for driving a shift toward gender equality in household responsibilities. Future research could explore how progressive media narratives and evolving cultural expectations influence family dynamics and reduce disparities in household chore allocation.
Future studies can include people from different regions, cultures, and backgrounds to get a broader understanding of gender roles. Research can focus on how gender stereotypes change over time by conducting long-term studies. Adding factors like personality traits and family dynamics could provide deeper insights. Researchers can explore how technology, like smart devices, impacts household roles and how different cultures handle these roles. Studying how work-life changes, such as remote work, affect chore-sharing can be helpful. Using tools like AI to analyze attitudes and testing interventions like education campaigns or workplace policies may promote fairness. Finally, looking at how children, media, and generational differences shape household roles could give a fuller picture of how stereotypes form and change.
5. Conclusion
The analysis highlights persistent gender disparities in time spent on household chores, with women performing a significantly larger share of domestic tasks. Notably, despite all women in this study having similar exposure to education and social norms, these disparities persist, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of traditional gender roles. However, the positive correlations observed between education, age, and collaboration dynamics indicate evolving norms, particularly in urban and educated households. These findings align with research showing that access to education and cultural exposure can gradually foster equitable labor-sharing behaviors within households. Collaboration between partners in domestic tasks extends beyond routine chores to include other supportive activities, such as help with academic tasks or home improvements, reflecting a broader notion of equality. This trend corresponds with emerging evidence that younger, urban households demonstrate greater flexibility in gender roles, likely driven by shifting generational attitudes. While progress is evident, the persistence of disparities despite a uniform background highlights the need for further investigation into the subtle and structural influences that perpetuate inequalities. Future research could explore cross-cultural and qualitative approaches to understand how gender roles are shaped by lived experiences across different family systems, socioeconomic contexts, and cultural settings. Additionally, examining the role of evolving gender identities, including non-binary or fluid roles, in reshaping household and workplace expectations could enrich existing literature. Finally, testing practical interventions to challenge ingrained stereotypes—both in domestic and professional settings—would offer strategies for driving sustainable social change and achieving broader gender equity.
Data Availability Statement
Data supporting the findings of this study are available upon reasonable request from the corresponding author.
Appendix A
Appendix B
SUMMARY OUTPUT |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Regression Statistics |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Multiple R |
0.72316316 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
R Square |
0.52296496 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Adjusted R Square |
0.39802721 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Standard Error |
0.81422929 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Observations |
54 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
ANOVA |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
df |
SS |
MS |
F |
Significance F |
|
|
|
Regression |
11 |
30.5256583 |
2.77505985 |
4.18580424 |
0.00034366 |
|
|
|
Residual |
42 |
27.844712 |
0.66296933 |
|
|
|
|
|
Total |
53 |
58.3703704 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Coefficients |
Standard Error |
t Stat |
P-value |
Lower 95% |
Upper 95% |
Lower 95.0% |
Upper 95.0% |
Intercept |
0.8141784 |
1.05051134 |
0.77503057 |
0.44266341 |
−1.3058393 |
2.93419612 |
−1.3058393 |
2.93419612 |
Time spent of house chores on weekdays |
0.49745519 |
0.09749839 |
5.10218853 |
7.6351E−06 |
0.30069546 |
0.69421491 |
0.30069546 |
0.69421491 |
Gender |
−0.0997235 |
0.22590593 |
−0.4414383 |
0.66116008 |
−0.5556202 |
0.35617308 |
−0.5556202 |
0.35617308 |
Age |
−0.521639 |
0.21392167 |
−2.4384581 |
0.01905964 |
−0.9533505 |
−0.0899276 |
−0.9533505 |
−0.0899276 |
Education |
0.39921267 |
0.19803625 |
2.01585651 |
0.0502418 |
−0.0004407 |
0.79886601 |
−0.0004407 |
0.79886601 |
Exposure to culture of cities |
0.044868 |
0.12279453 |
0.36539089 |
0.71665342 |
−0.2029414 |
0.29267739 |
−0.2029414 |
0.29267739 |
Exposure to culture of countries |
0.05247301 |
0.22854222 |
0.22959877 |
0.81951807 |
−0.4087439 |
0.51368989 |
−0.4087439 |
0.51368989 |
Religiousness |
0.08671608 |
0.12728576 |
0.68127085 |
0.49943947 |
−0.170157 |
0.34358914 |
−0.170157 |
0.34358914 |
perception that
society has gender
specific roles |
0.11989794 |
0.12504545 |
0.95883494 |
0.34312929 |
−0.132454 |
0.37224987 |
−0.132454 |
0.37224987 |
gender stereotypes
in immediate family |
−0.1616429 |
0.13948878 |
−1.1588239 |
0.25307447 |
−0.4431427 |
0.11985682 |
−0.4431427 |
0.11985682 |
collaboration of
partners in household chores |
0.08443666 |
0.15326871 |
0.55090602 |
0.58461689 |
−0.2248721 |
0.39374543 |
−0.2248721 |
0.39374543 |
Help from partner in quick math or home
improvement |
0.119359 |
0.13366995 |
0.8929382 |
0.37697822 |
−0.1503979 |
0.38911587 |
−0.1503979 |
0.38911587 |