Overview of Domestic Violence and Workplace Disparities: An Analysis of the Film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023) ()
1. Introduction
In order to explore the intricate interplay between domestic violence and workplace disparities, it is essential to acknowledge that gender role disparity is a historically developed process, shaped by institutional and transgenerational mechanisms that position women in a complementary role relative to men. For example, Berger’s (1980) analysis of the representation of women in Western Renaissance art reveals that passivity was a predominant characteristic attributed to women. According to Berger, “men act and women appear” (Berger, 1980: p. 49). This view highlights the subjugation of the female body in art to the gaze and positions of men, as the artworks were primarily created for male buyers, spectators, and authors rather than the women depicted (Berger, 1980; Loponte, 2002). In other words, men were the protagonists, while female images were merely objects of the male gaze and subject to male interpretations (Loponte, 2002). But how does this discussion relate to domestic violence and workplace disparities?
Throughout history, it is evident that women have wielded less power than men, often occupying positions of submission and domination (Bourdieu, 2020). From childhood, a clear division exists regarding what is socially considered “characteristic” and permissible for men and women (Obando, 2021). Beauvoir (1989) asserts that this division of roles is embedded in educational processes, observable from early childhood in play. While most boys are encouraged to engage in activities that promote movement, autonomy, and exploration of the external world, such as sports, girls are often directed towards domestic play with dolls, emphasizing nurturing and care (Obando, 2021). This distinction reveals the presence of socio-cultural discourses that link womanhood to a “natural destiny” associated with family dedication and domestic, private activities (Obando, 2021).
Therefore, these attributions concerning femininity and masculinity are grounded in an essentialist perspective on the supposed nature of “being a man” and “being a woman.” Normative characteristics are ascribed to each gender, such as the belief that men are more rational than emotional, more focused on sex rather than love, and considered more capable and intelligent than affective (Obando, 2021). Conversely, the attributes associated with “being a woman” include sentimentality, devotion to family, and fragility (Obando, 2021).
From this gendered perspective, women are frequently relegated to passive roles relative to men, bearing the primary responsibility for home and family care, while men are charged with making decisions and shaping the family’s future (Beauvoir, 1989). Within this context, domestic violence, understood as any act of violence, abuse, or aggression against a woman within an intimate relationship or domestic setting, has emerged as a behavior closely linked to hegemonic masculinity (Labiak, 2023).
As reported by Florim, Kobashigawa, de Lima, de Moura, and Silva (2023), violence against women has been a pervasive issue since the earliest days of society, but it began to be recognized as a serious health problem following significant events such as the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna (1993) and the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD) in Cairo (1994). These events were crucial in establishing violence against women as an issue of human rights and global health.
According to the World Health Organization (WHO), approximately 1 in 3 women worldwide has experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner, or sexual violence by someone other than a partner (WHO, 2021). Furthermore, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) reports that approximately 50,000 women were victims of domestic violence-related homicides in 2021, representing about 58% of all female homicides (UNODC, 2023). Therefore, this can be seen as an epidemic health problem, transcending borders and rooted in oppressive gender ideologies.
Violence against women is recognized as an effective patriarchal tool that both reinforces and exacerbates gender exclusion and discrimination (Labiak, 2023). Within this framework, domestic violence functions not only as a means of control but also as an expression of extreme virility (Santos, Lima, Dermachi, Barbosa, Cordeiro, & Spioni, 2021). This form of violence often mirrors and perpetuates cultural and social norms that uphold gender inequalities and exert control over women. Consequently, violence against women is deeply intertwined with systems of power that sustain oppression and male dominance. Moreover, within the context of a patriarchal society, such violence is frequently misinterpreted as expressions of jealousy or care, obscuring its true nature and thereby justifying or diminishing its severity (Florim et al., 2023).
It is important to emphasize that the dominance of men over women is not solely maintained through violence, although violence can indeed reinforce this power dynamic. Other factors, such as the wage gap, workplace inequalities, and disparities in political representation and rights, also play significant roles in perpetuating these disparities (Beauvoir, 1989). For instance, we live in a capitalist and neoliberal society where money serves as the primary means of accessing goods and services, as well as a crucial determinant of autonomy and freedom. Access to financial resources is largely contingent on ownership of the means of production or participation in paid employment—domains that have historically been controlled by men (Fraser & Sousa Filho, 2020).
Regarding women’s access to money and the employment, it is important to note that women began entering the workforce in significant numbers only at the end of the 19th century, during the Industrial Revolution. The introduction of machinery and the need for factories to minimize labor costs led to the employment of women and children, who were paid lower wages (Mastella, Padilha, & Drugg, 2020). Predominantly, women were employed in wool production factories (Mastella, Padilha, & Drugg, 2020). The working conditions were harsh, with wages being at least 60% lower than those of men (Mastella, Padilha, & Drugg, 2020). This situation resulted in elevated rates of maternal and infant mortality due to inadequate postpartum recovery and insufficient breastfeeding for newborns, as mothers were required to return to work as quickly as possible (Mastella, Padilha, & Drugg, 2020). In this context, women’s entry into the labor market presents a paradoxical and complex situation. While it has the potential to enhance women’s financial autonomy, it has also exacerbated their exploitation and oppression. Women have been subjected to dual burdens, managing both domestic responsibilities and external employment, which has resulted in a compounded form of alienation from their labor conditions (Mastella, Padilha, & Drugg, 2020).
In the current era, despite significant achievements by women through various emancipatory movements, they remain in a marginalized position within the labor market. Women continue to bear the dual burden of domestic and caregiving responsibilities while also facing wage discrimination. Even with equivalent productivity and qualifications, women often experience pay disparities compared to their male counterparts (Fraser & Sousa Filho, 2020). According to Saffioti (1979), the monetization of women’s labor is not only frequently lower than that of men, being regarded as supplementary income for the family, but also deliberately kept lower to reinforce the patriarchal system’s superiority and hierarchical structure within the household.
The gender pay gap, which had been decreasing until 2020, increased once again in Brazil, reaching 22% by the end of 2022, according to data from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). This indicates that, on average, Brazilian women earn only 78% of what their male counterparts make. Additionally, the disparity in time spent at work between men and women underscores the persistent socio-sexual inequalities within Brazilian society. According to the Annual Socio-Economic Report on Women (Reasem) (Brazil, 2006), women’s total working hours—comprising over 35 hours per week in paid employment and nearly 21 hours per week in domestic labor—exceed those of men. Men, in contrast, work approximately 42 hours per week in paid employment and spend around 10 hours per week on domestic tasks.
As stated by Oxfam (2019), the value of unpaid care work performed by women aged 15 and over amounts to approximately $10 trillion annually. Despite its significant economic contribution, care and domestic work are often rendered invisible in terms of financial and emotional recognition. Women engaged in paid employment outside the home frequently face the additional burden of managing household responsibilities and childcare remotely. Those who exclusively focus on unpaid domestic work are often perceived as either having forsaken other career opportunities for the family or lacking ambition for professional advancement (Nogueira et al., 2021).
Conversely, women who monetize their care work as domestic workers only began to have their labor formally recognized as a legitimate occupation with the enactment of Complementary Law No. 150 in June 2015 (Brazil, 2015). Nonetheless, this work remains poorly compensated and precarious within Brazilian society (Nogueira et al., 2021). Therefore, it is crucial to emphasize the role of public policies in advancing women’s financial autonomy. Such policies should include actions, projects, and legislation that account for the diverse social and cultural experiences of women.
In addition, more than merely achieving financial access, true female independence requires a comprehensive understanding of public policies and the material application of equal rights. Political rights ensure that both women and men have an equal voice in decisions that affect their lives and communities, fostering equal opportunities and fair treatment (Brega Filho & Alves, 2013). The inclusion of women in the political process also guarantees that their perspectives and needs are represented equitably and thoroughly (Brega Filho & Alves, 2013).
For instance, in Brazil, women’s right to vote was secured in 1932 with electoral legislation allowing them to participate in the 1933 elections. However, the right to run for office was established only in 1946 (Faria, 2009). In Italy, women gained the right to vote in 1945 and achieved full political rights with the enactment of the Constitution in 1948 (Galli, 2014).
In light of this perspective, it is essential to consider effective strategies to expand discussions on women’s societal role, challenging historically established norms. In this regard, audiovisual productions, such as films, serve as valuable methodological tools for facilitating reflection on various issues, including women’s pursuit of financial independence. Audiovisual works engage our emotions, thoughts, imaginations, and feelings through their use of images, sounds, angles, lighting, editing, and narratives crafted by directors. These elements shape our attention, memory, and perception of the film, thereby influencing our emotional and cognitive responses (Borges, Risieri, Marçal, & Ribeiro, 2023).
It is important to recognize that movies, as cultural artifacts, serve to connect us with both our own culture and those of others. As cultural products, films function as symbolic mediators, comprising verbal and non-verbal signs that influence our thoughts, actions, and emotions. This article will examine aesthetic experiences derived from film viewing as opportunities for generating new reflections on the subject of women’s financial autonomy. Aesthetic experiences will be considered as a process that facilitates catharsis, defined as “the creative engagement of individuals with artistic works, leading to qualitative transformations that result in the re-signification of one’s position within their historical and cultural context” (Faria, Dias, & Camargo, 2019: p. 162). Moreover, aesthetic experiences have the potential to expand self-awareness and understanding of others, fostering empathy and preventing us from becoming confined to merely personal viewpoints (Johann, 2015; Ribeiro, 2021).
In relation to this, and reinforcing Vigotski (1999)’s assertion that art transcends mere ornamentation—serving as a means to gain profound insights into diverse cultural and social narratives (Ribeiro, 2021)—we have opted to conduct a film analysis to foster discussions and potentially offer new perspectives on critical aspects of this theme. The film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023), directed by Italian filmmaker Paola Cortellesi, provides a poignant exploration of life in the 1940s, set against a post-war backdrop. The film sensitively depicts the experiences of Delia and her family, illustrating the enduring impact of machismo that persists into contemporary times. The use of black-and-white cinematography, coupled with music and dance that accompany the characters’ dialogues, evokes a sense of the past, infusing the narrative with intensity and melancholy in response to the challenges faced by Delia. This stylistic approach creates a profound sense of estrangement and resonates with viewers in various ways. Although the film is set in Italy, it presents themes and situations relevant to women globally, including the realities experienced by Brazilian women.
In this context, the character Delia is portrayed as a diligent, affectionate, and intelligent woman constantly engaged in various forms of labor to support her family. In addition to managing household responsibilities for her children, husband, and father-in-law, Delia works outside the home performing tasks such as mending clothes, repairing umbrellas, washing linens, and sewing socks. This demanding, underpaid labor exhausts her physically, emotionally, and mentally. Amidst frequent violence and humiliation both inside and outside her home, Delia strives to provide her daughter Marcella with educational opportunities to avoid the same degrading experiences she endures.
Based on this description, the film prompts a critical examination of various aspects of machismo, especially its implications for women’s financial autonomy and domestic violence. Thus, this article emerged from the following question: How can the film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023) contribute to discussions about domestic violence and women’s financial autonomy in Brazil?
Thus, the main objective of this research is to investigate and analyze women’s financial autonomy and domestic violence in Brazil through a detailed examination of We Still Have Tomorrow (2023). As such, this article will delve into themes related to women’s financial autonomy and domestic violence, given that underlying themes such as the right to vote, property violence and sorority complement the article’s main discussions, and feature strongly in the narrative of the film in question. The subsequent sections will present the results, discussions and methodological approaches used in this analysis of the film.
2. Methodology
The methodological approach employed in this article involves a technical, detailed, and specific examination of a movie. This method allows for discerning significant narratives and meanings in an audiovisual production, reflecting societal conditions at a particular point in history and underscoring its social relevance. Conducting such an analysis requires an understanding of the processes involved, enabling us to relate and interpret the deconstructed elements in detail (Vanoye & Goliot-Lété, 2008).
According to Penafria (2009) and Vanoye & Goliot-Lété (2008), two crucial stages must be considered in film analysis. The first stage involves the decomposition or description of the elements constituting the film, including scenes, shots, photographs, narratives, sounds, and angles. This is followed by the stage of interpretation and articulation of these elements, ensuring that the interpretations align with the reconstitution of the film after its elements have been analyzed.
Penafria (2009) points out that film analysts typically introduce a novel perspective to the work under scrutiny; however, they must refrain from creating an entirely new film. As Vanoye and Goliot-Lété (2008) emphasize, “the film is therefore the starting point and the end point of the analysis” (p. 15). It is important to distinguish film analysis from film criticism, as the latter aims to provide a value judgment on a particular cinematic work. Although film criticism is not synonymous with film analysis, it can aid in the analytical process. Moreover, film analysis facilitates the evaluation and identification of differences and similarities between films. It serves as a tool not only for conducting detailed examinations of films but also for gaining insights into the art of filmmaking (Penafria, 2009).
With this in mind, we conducted an analysis of the film, examining its central elements, images, framing, sounds, and angles. We then interpreted these components and established the appropriate connections between them and our perceptions, as well as their relationships with the theories underpinning both film analysis and women’s financial autonomy. Additionally, we constructed a semiotic map highlighting the main themes addressed in the film analysis to illustrate our process of organizing ideas.
To facilitate this film analysis, we not only examined the film’s constituent elements but also conducted research across various scientific databases, including BDTD, Oasis br, Google Scholar, CaFe, and Scielo. This research aimed to identify articles, theses, dissertations, book chapters, and other publications that could theoretically support discussions on the diverse themes involved in the analysis of the film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023), with a particular emphasis on women’s financial autonomy and domestic violence.
It’s important to note that we selected bibliographical productions from the last 15 years. We searched for publications in Portuguese, English and Italian to make up the scope of our research. Brazilian and Italian publications were prioritized, since we analyzed an Italian film to reflect on the context of women in Brazil. In addition, the research selected mainly focused on issues of feminism, domestic violence and financial autonomy in Brazil. However, other older bibliographies were added to the scope of the research, as they have a strong impact on the current discussions (Figure 1).
Semiotic Map
Figure 1. Semiotic map of We Still Have Tomorrow (2023) Source: Own elaboration.
In addition to the semiotic map, we selected photographs of significant scenes from the film to facilitate discussion and analysis of their portrayals. It is important to note that the film analysis is not limited to these selected scenes but encompasses the entire film, including character dialogues, narratives, framing, sounds, and other elements that constitute the cinematic work (Figures 2-5).
Figure 2. Domestic work scene within the family. Source: Google Imagens.
Figure 3. Delia moving between various tasks. Source: Google Imagens.
Figure 4. Marcella smiling at Delia. Source: Google Imagens.
Figure 5. Delia in the voting scene. Source: Google Imagens.
Analysis Procedure
We therefore divided the film analysis into three thematic axes: 1) Women’s financial independence and the socio-sexual division of labor; 2) Domestic violence and sorority; 3) Women’s rights, including the right to vote.
In general terms, in the first thematic axis we discussed scenes in which the protagonist Delia performed various jobs. In this axis, we analyzed Figure 3, which depicts one of the scenes in which Delia walks hurriedly. With this, we tried to analyze the temporality of the scene and how it can stir our imagination.
In the second thematic axis, we prioritized the analysis of Figure 2, which refers to scenes that recur frequently in the film and demonstrate Delia’s daily life and the domestic violence that surrounds her. In addition, we analyzed the narrative construction of other scenes in which Delia suffers physical and verbal violence.
In the third thematic axis, we analyzed Figure 4 and Figure 5, which refer to scenes in which verbal and non-verbal language merge. With this, our analysis focused on how scenes with or without dialogue make us reflect on women’s rights, emphasizing the right to vote. In this way, we analyzed the gestures and music that direct our interpretations.
Thus, these were the procedures we used to analyze the film and articulate it with the other theories in the bibliographical productions that made up this research.
3. Film Analysis
The film will be analyzed along three main lines: 1) Women’s financial independence and the socio-sexual division of labor; 2) Domestic violence and sorority; 3) Women’s rights, including the right to vote.
3.1. Women’s Financial Independence and the Socio-Sexual Division of Labor
In a capitalist society, access to financial resources serves not only as a means to acquire goods but also as a symbol of power and social recognition. This dynamic is especially significant for women, as illustrated in the film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023). In our labor market, financial access can be achieved either through capital ownership or employment. Work is generally understood as the performance of activities directed towards achieving specific objectives, and can be divided into productive and reproductive categories. Productive work involves activities aimed at achieving specific objectives and is directly exchanged for capital, producing surplus value and typically involving remuneration. On the other hand, reproductive work encompasses non-monetized tasks traditionally associated with domestic responsibilities, caregiving, and maternal duties, often linked to the female gender (Costa, 2020; Rodrigues, 2023).
In Delia’s case, despite her involvement in paid productive work, she faces gender-based wage discrimination and does not fully control her earnings. The narrative shows her burdened by extensive reproductive labor, including household chores, cooking, and caring for her children and father-in-law, in addition to external responsibilities such as administering medicinal injections and repairing clothes and umbrellas. In Figure 3, we can see the photography of scenes in which shows Delia running around doing her various jobs, showing her exhausting and poorly paid work routine. These scenes occur several times in the film and are interesting scenes because, even if the audience understands that Delia is running around doing some work, it is still possible to imagine that something unexpected might happen.
This possibility of placing ourselves in the film through our imagination is a differentiator, since we live in a society that overvalues films that come with “ready-made answers”, and doesn’t make room for us to imagine (Wenders, 1994). Another notable scene that illustrates wage inequality and the devaluation of women’s work compared to men’s notable scene depicts Delia arriving at her workplace for umbrella repairs, only to be instructed to train a new male assistant who is paid more than she is, despite his lack of experience. When Delia questions this disparity, her employer simply replies, “because he’s a man.”
To contextualize, this plot is set in post-war Rome, a time when women were beginning to enter the workforce in limited and precarious roles with insufficient compensation. During this period, men controlled access to education and employment, with women’s identities often subordinated to male perspectives and approval. A pivotal scene illustrates this dynamic is when Delia visits a store where the only sales assistant is a woman without a husband. When a man demands that she signs a document, the saleswoman responds, “There is no husband here. Either I sign it, or you do not receive the product.” Despite his indignation, the man accepts her signature. This interaction disrupts the prevailing socio-sexual norms, highlighting the challenges faced by women managing business roles without male endorsement.
During the depicted period, as noted by Nogueira, Pestana, and Rodrigues (2021), women were increasingly involved in class struggles and labor movements, challenging the conservative view that relegated their roles to marriage. They advocated not only for entry into the workforce but also for fair distribution of domestic responsibilities and equal pay. Delia’s case exemplifies these struggles: in one scene, while she and her colleagues are washing clothes, Delia had to navigate a large staircase to reach her workplace, whereas an elevator is reserved exclusively for male use. This disparity highlights both wage inequality and unequal access to workplace amenities, reflecting a broader gendered division of labor. Women were often relegated to specific tasks, such as care work, while other roles remained predominantly male. These disparities reinforce the patriarchal system’s dominance and hierarchical structure within the household.
In those days, women’s identities were largely defined by their marital status, with marriage for men symbolizing “unconditional care” and procreation, while for women, it denoted possession and submission. Men were integrated into society through productive work and notions of efficacy, whereas women’s roles were restricted by domestic roles. Therefore, in this context, discussing female autonomy and access to financial resources extends beyond the realm of property and the possibility of monetized work, it also encompasses the concept of emotional and affective autonomy (Beauvoir, 1989; Zanello, 2020).
In Delia’s context, despite her involvement in various jobs, all her earnings, along with those of her daughter, were handed over to her husband, who was regarded as the primary provider. This situation is now recognized as a form of property violence, as defined by the Maria da Penha Law (Law No. 11.340/2006) and exemplifies the reproduction of female subjugation to male authority. Such manifestations are evident both within the family and in the workplace, influenced by socio-sexual divisions of labor and entrenched gender roles. Consequently, women’s financial independence is interconnected with multiple factors, including family structure, access to education, means of subsistence, and equitable opportunities.
3.2. Domestic Violence and Sorority
Violence against women is understood as any form of constraint or oppression that renders women vulnerable. In Brazil, the Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/2006) defines domestic and family violence against women as “any action or omission based on gender that causes death, injury, physical, sexual, or psychological suffering, as well as moral or property damage.” In Delia’s situation, she endured psychological, moral, physical, sexual, and property violence at the hands of her husband, Ivano.
Psychological violence, in particular, is characterized by any conduct that inflicts emotional harm, diminishes self-esteem, or seeks to control the victim’s actions, behaviors, beliefs, and decisions through means such as threats, embarrassment, humiliation, manipulation, insults, and blackmail (Labiak, 2023; Dos Anjos & Barroso, 2022). In Delia’s case, her actions were continuously monitored and regulated by Ivano. For instance, she was required to seek his permission to leave the house for work or to accept an invitation from a friend, often anticipating that he would deny such requests. Additionally, her actions were perpetually criticized and demeaned. For example, upon parting, Ivano would remark, “See if you do anything good today.” The tension when Ivano speaks to her is evident in Figure 2, as the entire family appears focused and anxious about what he might criticize or do to her.
Regarding physical violence, it is defined as any conduct that inflicts harm upon an individual’s bodily integrity or health. In Delia’s case, at the outset of the narrative, she was subjected to a slap in the face after greeting her partner with a “good morning.” Furthermore, the film illustrates that a pattern of physical violence was established early on, beginning when her children were young. In situations where Delia’s actions displeased her husband, such as when she burned food or made statements that upset him, the entire family would vacate the room, leaving Ivano to physically assault her. Specific instances depicted in the narrative include: Delia offering chocolate to the children, which provokes Ivano’s jealousy and leads him to question the source of the chocolate before attacking her; an incident where she drops dessert in front of visitors; and a situation where her daughter, Marcella, let the food burn, leading to Delia taking the blame and subsequently suffering physical violence as a result.
About sexual violence, as defined by the Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/2006), it encompasses any conduct that compels a woman to witness, endure, or engage in an unwanted sexual relationship. This form of violence, when perpetrated by intimate partners, can manifest through coercion, physical force, intimidation, psychological manipulation, and emotional abuse. It is also recognized when the woman is incapacitated by intoxication, sleep, or an inability to comprehend the situation. In Delia’s case, the narrative depicts a scene where Ivano engages in sexual activity with her, while she is preoccupied with observing the dust on his desk. The portrayal suggests that Delia is not an active participant in the relationship but is instead subjected to it as if it were an obligation imposed upon her.
Aguiar et al. (2023) illustrate that many intimate partners fail to recognize situations of sexual violence, often perceiving sexual coercion as a “natural” aspect of relationships or even as a “right” of the male partner. This perception is deeply rooted in social and gender norms that grant women minimal autonomy to negotiate or refuse sexual advances from their partners. Despite the fact that women may not always identify or categorize these situations as violent, research indicates that forced sexual encounters evoke feelings of indignation and revulsion.
Furthermore, property violence, as defined by the Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/2006), involves any conduct that results in the retention, removal, partial or total destruction of objects, tools, personal documents, assets, values, rights, or economic resources, including those necessary for meeting the victim’s needs. In Delia’s situation, despite her engagement in various activities such as administering injections, repairing clothes and objects, and working on umbrellas, it is evident that she must obtain her husband’s permission to perform these tasks.
Additionally, both Delia and her daughter’s earnings were directly controlled by Ivano, who dictates the allocation of their funds. In one scene, Delia confides in a friend that she is covertly “stealing” a portion of her earnings, prompting her friend to question how she could be stealing from what rightfully belongs to her. Because property violence often lacks visible manifestations, victims may find it challenging to recognize their partner’s abusive behavior. This form of violence is socially normalized within a culture that subordinates women to men (Florim, Kobashigawa, De Lima Mora, & Da Silva, 2023).
Regarding Marcella, Delia’s daughter, she frequently criticized her mother by questioning why she allowed her father to treat her in such a manner, and why she would give him perfume, knowing he would use it to visit prostitutes. In response, Delia admitted that she felt unsure of what actions to take or where to seek assistance, reflecting her entrapment within a patriarchal system. As Escobar (2022) notes in an interview with Judith Butler, it indicates their view of violence as a privilege and women’s bodies as their property.
However, when Delia notices that Giulio, her daughter’s fiancé, who had previously appeared affectionate, begins to make controlling statements, she automatically tries to protect her daughter and prevent her from experiencing the same form of abuse as her mother. During a scene, Giulio asserts that Marcella should not wear makeup to work, reserving it solely for his presence, and insists that once married, she should cease working. These statements are indicative of psychological violence and attempts to control Marcella’s actions. Therefore, it suggested a potential for escalating into other forms of violence similar to those experienced by Delia in her marriage to Ivano.
This situation exemplifies the concept of transgenerational learning of violence. As noted by Brum, Pereira, Rodriguez, and Santos et al. (2021), exposure to violence within the family constitutes a risk factor for the perpetuation or continuation of violence in subsequent marital relationships. Human beings, as inherently social creatures, acquire values, beliefs, and customs through cultural processes, with the family serving as the primary context for such transmissions. It is within the family unit that foundational beliefs and values are formed. Consequently, when the family environment is marked by violence, grief, and disruption, individuals are prone to replicate these behaviors. This often occurs unconsciously, as individuals may reenact previously experienced roles and dynamics, thus perpetuating a cycle of violence without the ability to break free from it (Melo et al., 2023).
In Delia’s situation, despite knowing that her actions would cause emotional distress due to the end of the relationship, she asked her colleague, a military officer, to set fire to Marcella’s in-laws’ café. Delia believed that destroying Giulio’s family assets would obstruct the continuation of the marriage. She reassured Marcella that there would be plenty of time to explore other opportunities in life. Although Marcella acknowledged her mother’s concerns, she decided to take no action regarding her family and social position, asserting that she, too, had time to address these issues later.
These scenes exemplify the concept of sorority. Derived from the Latin term “sóror,” meaning sister, sorority refers to the solidarity among women, characterized by empathy and anti-patriarchal values. This unity is essential for empowering an oppressed group, offering it greater potential for restructuring and strengthening (Costa, 2021). In the film, sorority is manifest in several significant actions. Delia exemplifies this solidarity by orchestrating the arson of the café to prevent her daughter from marrying a man who would subject her to abuse. Additionally, Delia’s friend demonstrates sorority by agreeing to provide false information to facilitate Delia’s escape from her abusive home environment. At the film’s conclusion, sorority is further depicted through Delia’s use of her accumulated savings to support her daughter’s pursuit of higher education. Furthermore, Marcella’s act of giving Delia her identification papers to enable her participation in Italy’s inaugural women’s suffrage vote underscores the enduring importance of female solidarity.
3.3. Women’s Rights, Including the Right to Vote
In this section we’ll start the discussion by analyzing Figure 4 and Figure 5, which are photographs from the movie in which Marcella and Delia are at the polling station. In these scenes, Delia had lost her electoral registration. Her daughter Marcella finds it at home and promptly goes to the polling station to give it to her. At the same time, Ivano, Delia’s husband, was furiously trying to stop Delia from voting. However, when he arrived at the polling station, he found several women making up a crowd and preventing him from getting to her.
This part of the film has no dialog, the mouths, mainly, of the women present were closed, but their expressions said a lot. With this, we interpret that even with their mouths closed, their votes spoke for them and these votes called for the legitimization of being heard and being able to speak, to speak so that their political and social rights were, in fact, put into practice. In this respect, Figure 4 shows Marcella smiling at her mother, whose gestures and dances convey hope that her daughter’s path will be better than hers and that she will be able to study and have better prospects in the future. With this, we draw a parallel with the discussions about women’s rights, which have been achieved slowly and with many challenges all over the world.
In this work, we will focus on rights related to work, women’s wages and the vote, but it is essential to comment on all the others, since one complements the other. Rodrigues (2023) comments that Brazil has had legislation imposing equal pay for men and women for decades. Since the federal constitutions of 1934 and 1946, there has been an express prohibition against differences in salaries between men and women when doing the same job (Brazil, 1934, 1946). This was taken into account in the drafting of the Labor Laws of 1943, ensuring that this prohibition was expressed as a social right in the 1988 constitution. Brazil also committed itself to pay equity between women and men with Convention No. 100 of the International Labor Organization, which was promulgated in 1957 in Brazil, emphasizing Decree 41.721 (Brazil, 1957). However, despite the changes in legislation, women have always earned lower wages than men when doing the same job (Brega Filho & Alves, 2013).
In this context, it is necessary to remember that legislation refers to an instrument that aims to transform society, but the changes expressed in legislation alone are not enough to transform and eradicate the oppressions experienced by women (Brega Filho & Alves, 2013). There also needs to be changes in the social conceptions and actions of societies in relation to legitimizing women’s rights (Brega Filho & Alves, 2013).
It is important to note that the suffragette movement was fundamental in demanding social and political rights for women, especially the right to vote and to be voted for. The movement emerged in England at the end of the 19th century, but reached other parts of the world in the middle of the 20th century, when the demands for suffrage began to be met in most countries (Oliveira, 2022).
In Brazil, women’s suffrage was in fact guaranteed under Getúlio Vargas, when Decree 21076 was passed, guaranteeing the right to vote for women. However, before this decree was passed, the suffragette movement had already influenced Brazilian feminist groups. Names such as Bertha Lutz and Leolinda Daltro stood out for leading groups and parties demanding better rights for women, such as the right to vote and to be voted for (Oliveira, 2022).
In addition, in 1928, Celina Guimarães Viana, with the authorization of the Rio Grande do Norte courts and the support of the state governor at the time, Juvenal Lamartine, managed to vote in Mossoró, a city in Rio Grande do Norte. Furthermore, in 1929, Alzira Soriano was the first woman to be elected mayor in Brazil and was elected mayor of the city of Lages, in Rio Grande do Norte, having won the elections for the position of mayor of Lages, in Rio Grande do Norte (Oliveira, 2022). In this respect, in 1933, Brazilian women from different states were able to vote and be voted for the first time, and Carlota de Queirós was elected the first woman federal deputy in the country (Oliveira, 2022).
In addition to this legislation, that concerns voting rights and women’s political and social rights, Mendes and Freitas Junior (2021) note that Brazil has one of the most robust laws for protecting women worldwide. The Maria da Penha Law (Law 11.340/06) establishes a comprehensive set of measures that can be enacted without the initiation of criminal proceedings. Once a complaint is filed, protective and safety measures for women can be implemented, such as removing the aggressor from the home and prohibiting any contact with the victim (Mendes & Freitas Junior, 2021). However, despite these strong legal protections, Brazil continues to have one of the highest rates of domestic violence globally (Mendes & Freitas Junior, 2021).
In Italy, where the film is set, Deputy Prime Minister, Luigi Di Maio, stated that an average of 150 women are victims of femicide each year, resulting in nearly one crime every two days (ActionAid UK, 2018). In response to this alarming situation, the “Codice Rosso” (Red Code) law was enacted in 2019 (Codice Rosso, 2019). This legislation is similar to Brazil’s Maria da Penha Law, as it proposes immediate protective measures for victims of domestic violence and mandates that incidents be reported and recorded within 48 hours. Generally, the law requires that reports of violence against women be given priority and that these cases be processed and responded to more quickly than others (ActionAid UK, 2018).
Regarding the outcomes, since the implementation of the “Red Code law”, there has been a significant increase in the number of domestic violence reports in Italy. For example, Milan registered between 30 to 40 reports daily, while Naples and Rome reported around 30 and 25 reports per day, respectively (Mondaq, 2022). This increase in reporting suggests that more victims feel encouraged to come forward, possibly due to the perception that the legal system now provides a more effective response to combat violence. However, according to Mondaq (2022), the law has a gap as it focuses heavily on increasing penalties but does not adequately address the structural causes of gender-based violence faced by the population.
To this end, even though we have made many political and social achievements, we still have to keep up the fight, because yesterday is still part of today, but as the title of the movie says, we still have tomorrow. There is still a lot to be done in relation to women’s rights. Black women, for example, still have their rights violated more than white women. In this sense, we need to demand and put pressure on the public authorities so that our rights are, in fact, legitimized in society.
Thus, there are many aspects that could be worked on from this film analysis; however, it would not fit within the scope of this article. As a result, the concluding remarks make some suggestions for future research on this subject.
4. Conclusion
The proposal to base this article on a film analysis came about because audiovisual productions are cultural artefacts and semiotic vehicles capable of mobilizing individuals’ attention, memory, emotions and imagination. It is important to note that films not only express aspects of culture, but are, above all, its creation and representation. In this sense, when analyzing a film, it is necessary to consider important aspects such as its framing, photography, lighting, cuts, camera direction and, above all, the narrative constructed by the directors. In the film We Still Have Tomorrow (2023), the narrative is constructed by the director Paola Cortellesi, who brings us an important perspective on women’s rights, since, from the film’s plot, it is possible to weave several discussions about women’s struggle for the legitimization of their rights, as well as the right to financial autonomy and equal pay with men.
In this respect, it is important to note that the film was scripted and directed by a woman, since most films in the film industry are produced by men, who, through their lenses, construct representations of women. This has often led to misconceptions and stereotypes about what it means to be a woman. This highlights the importance of consulting women’s perspectives when producing a work about them.
Furthermore, although the movie is set in Italy, the narrative presents situations that occur to women all over the world. The rights currently in place are the result of historical struggles and challenges, which now afford women the right to paid employment, education, and human dignity. However, significant socio-sexual disparities persist in the labor market, and domestic violence remains a pressing global health issue. Consequently, it is imperative to continue the implementation of public policies at a macro level, to ensure the protection and support of victims of domestic violence and to foster opportunities for female emancipation. In essence, formal gender equality rights alone are insufficient; these rights must be effectively guaranteed in practice.
Through the movie We Still Have Tomorrow (2023), we perceive the challenges faced by the characters, illustrating how films can bring us closer to different realities. They not only expand our understanding of ourselves and others but also stimulate our capacity for empathy by moving us with certain stories. In this manner, the analyzed film serves as a tool for raising awareness, enabling the population to recognize situations of violence and gender disparity, which are often rendered invisible in society due to their deep-rooted and socially reproduced nature. It also enables these topics to reach a broader audience, making complex issues accessible and engaging for the general population.
We, therefore, suggest that future research be carried out into the use of audiovisual productions, whether in a school context or in other contexts that allow for reflections on different themes based on film analysis, as well as themes on women’s social, political and reproductive rights. By investigating the effectiveness of audiovisual media in various educational and community contexts, researchers can develop strategies to maximize their impact and broaden their reach. This would not only enrich the academic discourse but also contribute to a more informed and engaged society.