Socio-Cultural Challenges of Small and Medium-Scale Batik and Tie-Dye Industry in Ghana ()
1. Introduction
Batik and tie-dye are methods of dyeing a fabric by using a resistant material such as wax, raffia, twine and any other substances that will help prevent the dye or the colouring substance from dyeing that particular portion that has been prevented. Batik and tie-dye are crafts that are widely practised in many parts of the world. Undoubtedly, in West Africa, the art of batik and tie-dyeing must be older than the last few centuries with historical references across several countries [1]. Batik and tie-dye production have for centuries been undertaken in homes and regarded as a domestic activity then later a public commercial endeavour. Batik is originally developed by women to be a craft that contains philosophy, character and value of art [2]. Both men and women wear batik and tie-dye garments made of colourful patterns that portray the cultural heritage and vary by locale and occasion across the Sub-region [3].
The batik and tie-dye industry plays a very prominent role in the socio-economic development of countries by helping to generate trade and income. While Countries such as Jakarta, Indonesia, and India are earning high incomes from the export of batik, Ghana’s income generated from batik and tie-dye production is relatively low. for instance, in 2020, Jakarta’s export earnings on batik alone reached USD 532.7 million, and during the first quarter of 2021, it was able to penetrate USD 157.8 million [4]. The craft of batik and tie-dye tend to influence the educational, cultural, aesthetic and economic lives of the people of Ghana [4]. In Ghana where batik and tie-dye are inextricably connected to the economic and social fabrics of the people by creating opportunities such as jobs, source of income, among other benefits, it has also helped improve the small business and the local economy. Even though the potential for batik and tie-dye appears promising, many entrepreneurs are leaving the trade to assume new career roles in society [5]. Similarly, consumers rarely patronise batik and tie-dye fabrics and that has led to low production levels that have added to national unemployment and economic stagnation in the country. The industry operation is at its lowest point of production and it is against this background that the researchers find it prudent to investigate the socio-cultural challenges of batik and tie-dye production and retailing in Ghana.
1.1. Batik and Tie Dye Production
According to Shaharuddin et al. [3], the term batik was believed to have been coined from these Javanese words; ambatik or tritik. The suffix tik in each word translates to “creating little dots”. These words eventually culminated into the term “batik”. This term is associated with making a dot or wax drip on fabric or cloth. Batik is Malayan (the written language of Indonesia and Malaysia) which means, “to write”, or “to dot”, and is part of the process of creating designs and patterns on batiks [6]. Widagdo et al. [7], contend that historical evidence reveals that the oldest batik culture comes from Egypt. They are however quick to add that, this claim has been refuted. According to them, if batik were to have come from Egypt, it would have developed in African countries, Persia and so on. The development of batik is also heading east if batik comes from Egypt, then Persian batik motifs and African batik motifs will be influenced by Egyptian ornaments as the place where the ornaments were taken [7].
Krisnawati et al. [8] also opined that, in cultural specialities, batik is one of the ancient art that has high cultural value. Batik is derived from the Javanese word “amba” meaning write and “nitik” which means point. The word batik connotes writing with candles. Krisnawati et al. [8] continued by referring to batik as a fabric with a pattern produced by the material (wax) applied to the fabric to withstand the entry of dye material. According to Rogers & Robertson [9], batik denomination was created on Java Island in the 8th century. In the book of Old Javanese Kakawin Ramayana (Hindu-Buddhist period of 870 AD), batik is composed of the word “Tika”, which means sacred painting [9]. Batik is also derived from Javanese words, “Amba” means wide, and “Titik” means (create) dots to form lines. Batik also has another meaning that refers to a Javanese phrase: “Mbatik Manah”, which means to paint with the whole heart. Based on the etymology, batik is also associated with a technique or process from the start of the motive drawing to colour immersion. One of the characteristics of batik is the way of drawing motifs on the fabric which is using specific tools called canting and cap [3].
Batik dyeing has been described as wax-resist dyeing [3] [9] [10]. It is particularly remarkable because of how some wax blends “crack” during handling, allowing colour lines to seep through at resist areas. This adds a pattern resembling a network of veins. Cracks in the batik wax give patterns the “crackled” look so unique to batik. Bitner [10], further reiterated that batik is a wax-resist dyeing method that leaves intricate patterns on cloth. Though Rogers & Robertson [9] did not mention intricate patterns on cloth. Bitner [10] continued to note that wax avoids dyeing applied to the whole cloth or cloth manufactured using this technique and can be manufactured with several forms of dyes and wax on cotton, silk and other natural fabrics. Most often cotton fabrics are used due to their properties. Silk is a little difficult to deal with because of its unusual wicking properties.
Crane [11] also explained batik dying as a process of colouring cloth that requires the use of wax to block the dye from part of the cloth. As much as Sugiyanto & Santoso [2] have the same opinion, they used decoration of cloth instead of the colouring of cloth which is synonymous. Kudowor [12] further opined that it is the process of patterning cloth with the use of wax. Further analysis by Sugiyanto & Santoso [2] on batik revealed that wax resists, is applied either by hand, using a canting or by copper stamp. Crane [11] further simplified wax application in batik production as “wax written”.
Plange-Rhule [13] contended that batik dyeing is a process of drawing the design on thin fabric in wax, then dyeing the fabric. He continued that, the method used repeated layers of wax and dye applied to the fabric, yielding an overlapping colour design. Darwin-Fletcher [14] wrote that batik is a method of dyeing a piece of fabric using resistance to prevent the dye from penetrating areas of the cloth. Darwin-Fletcher [14] did not mention any resistant material that is used to prevent the dyes from dyeing. Witlox [15] shares the same opinion as Sugiyanto & Santoso [2] but they continued by giving examples of the substances used in resisting the dyes from entering into areas where colours are not permitted to enter as wax, cassava, and corn starch. Comparing Rogers & Robertson [9] and Witlox [15] positions on resistant material, both of them mentioned wax as resistant material. Witlox [15], however, concluded by adding other substances that serve as resistance as cassava and corn starch.
Tie-dye is a skill that has been commonly practised in many parts of the world. The tie-dye craft is also seen as an adornment of the people and is used extensively in homes and public places as a means of beautification. The creative characteristics of tie-dye influence consumers to crave for them if they are well finished. Taste and respect for tie-dye as well as the acceptable norms and traditions reflect the type of tie-dye that is produced.
Tie-dye is a method of bonding the fabric together to avoid the absorption of dye to a specific area [16] [17] [18]. Ladha [16] added stitching to the techniques used to prevent the absorption of dye to a particular area. Jodivan [17], on the other hand adds that the quality of the string should be strong as strings are tied in various ways before immersing it in the dye bath. He again reiterated that the colour is absorbed in all except the tied areas thus revealing a patterned result which is seen by untying the dyed material.
Tie-dyeing is made by pleating to ensure that colour is kept off the inside of the fold, knit, tie and sometimes stitching is done with raffia fibre from banana leaves or thread [19]. This pattern method leaves the original un-dyed area as a backdrop for the design of the dyed area [20]. In this tie-dye process, the fine cloth is more adaptable to fine binding or stitching and a small pattern, whereas heavier cloth is better suited to larger designs. Shekri [21], affirmed that, instead of thread in sewing and wrapping areas, dye resistance is required; raffia is widespread in Africa; raffia is larger than sewing thread. It is also scattered over the cloth, with small decoration holes at regular intervals.
Another point of view of tie-dye is articulated by Jodivan [17] who claimed that tie-dye parallels printing and dyeing in different ways. It is similar to printing in that it allows the pattern of colour to be introduced on the cloth as in textile printing, but the process used is different. It is also similar to printing in that, in either case, ordinary dye liquor is used and not a printing paste, and can still be added to the fabric by immersing it in a dye solution containing the requisite fixing chemical. Both methods of colouring used by dye resist printing to implement patterns on clothes; that is, patterns are applied by limiting or inhibiting the absorption of colour (primary or secondary or both) in selected areas of fabric. The two actions thus create varied designs in the fabric after untying it. This method can produce accidental colour and design effects that can be difficult to replicate. The technique is, however, simple and cheaper to use in decorating textile materials.
The pattern obtained from the positioning of the pliers, stitches and ties can never be an absolute means of predetermining the final visual result as accepted by Arthur [22] who argued again that the traditional African preference for a square or spiral pattern is accomplished by sewing plead variation. The thread is sewn through one or more layers of fabric and one end is knotted. The dye cannot penetrate beneath the strings. When one-colour dyeing takes place, the sections that were bound remain the original ground colour and the removal of the strings shows a two-colour pattern. After each successive dyeing process, a multi-coloured pattern can be rendered by binding and unbinding unique areas, starting with the lighter shades and ending with the darker colour. Some fascinating effects evolve by sheer manipulation of tying and untying specific areas after each successive dyeing operation. Tie-dye is a resist technique of dyeing that involves folding, tying, sewing or knotting the fabric with raffia, twine nylon thread or any suitable material that is capable of resisting dye absorption before dyeing [23]. The tie-dye technique involves various techniques of folding fabrics, tying, binding, stitching and dyeing the fabric in a dye bath [8].
1.2. Batik and Tie-Dye in Africa
The history of African textiles spans centuries in time and reflects the ancestral traditions of the African people. Africans have a long history of producing intricate textiles, which is evidenced by the fabrics themselves and other renderings on ancient tombs and pyramids. Batik was a prominent example of a dyeing technique employed by Africans [24]. Resist dyeing using cassava and rice paste has existed for centuries in the Yoruba tribes of Southern Nigeria and tribe Soninke and Wolof in Senegal. The Yoruba of West Africa used cassava paste as a resist while the people of Senegal use rice paste. The paste is applied by using the freehand drawing of traditional designs using a feather, thin sticks, pieces of fine bone or metal or wooden comb-like spatulas.
Crowley [25] narrated that, the Belanda Hitam, Malay for “Black Dutchman”, brought batik to West Africa in the mid-nineteenth century after serving as indentured soldiers for the Dutch in Indonesia. Returning home from 15-year conscriptions, legend says the men brought back trunks of fine Javanese batik, covered in opulent whisper-thin patterns that captured the imagination of their friends and relatives. Shaharuddin et al. [3], also said that the fabrics came from India to West Africa by land, not sea, over the ancient trans-Saharan routes. Local populations like the Yoruba in Nigeria incorporated aspects of wax printing into their traditional textiles, and little by little the trend caught on. According to Ola [23], when the Dutch and English began trolling the coast of West Africa in the seventeenth century, they brought their wax (wax batiks) and non-wax (roller print) fabrics, targeting a local population already poised for their consumption. In time, European textile designers began developing prints targeting their African market, tweaking designs down to each region and port.
According to Poon [26], African print cloth originated from Indonesia, which had a rich batik tradition. This type of textile is also known as wax-resist, Java, lappa, wrappa, pagne or kanga fabric, depending on the region. Fabrics for batik are made of cotton and are put through a mechanized technique of waxing to create designs. As early as the 17th century C.E., batik was peddled by Asian neighbours. For this reason, it is suspected that batiks came into West Africa through Trans-Saharan trade routes from India. Great dyers of Africa were located in both Tunisia and Nigeria, where men and women were assigned different jobs because of labour divisions within African society. Two of the most common dyeing techniques employed by Africans were tie-dye and batik.
The batik technique was known in Egypt even before the 3rd century BC, so it has an important historical presence in the region. However, the cloth produced in Africa featured fuzzier designs. The artform almost died before the 60s in Burkina Faso, but thanks to a Peace Corps member who was trying to come up with sustainable income-generating activities, the batik technique was re-established in East and West Africa and is viewed as a mainly contemporary art form. The designs were initially created on thicker handmade fabric, but nowadays it has been replaced by thinner, industrially produced cotton textile [27].
1.3. Batik and Tie-Dye in Ghana
Ahene-Nunoo [28] contends that, between 1855 and 1872, approximately 3000 Ghanaian soldiers served in the Royal Netherlands East Indies Army. They returned home, as servicemen often do, with a taste for items they encountered abroad. As the story goes, the soldiers had learned to appreciate the look of genuine batik but didn’t mind the crackle of the van Vlissingen version, so they purchased bolts of it for their female relatives back in Ghana. By the turn of the century, despite the ceding of the colony to the UK, the sale of Dutch-made faux batik in the Gold Coast was robust. By the 1930s, it has been adapted to suit Ghanaian tastes, not by accident, but by design [29].
Robbinson [30] narrates that, in the late 19th century, batik was copied by English and Dutch settlers in Indonesia from Java Island wax. They learned and reproduced the wax process and changed with vibrant colours. Then it is said that Ghanaian soldiers working in Indonesia brought wax back to Ghana in corroboration of the above, Smith [31] notes that wax print originated from Java from the Javanese batiks which were produced by hand with local technology. The European industrialists industrialized the production of the batik effects but the industrial reproduction process was poor in quality as it left fine lines on the fabric that resulted from the cracking of the wax technique. These imperfections though unappreciated by the Javanese were highly appreciated in West Africa where the prints became popular and gained a wider market. Batik production is not an indigenous fabric production method. It is believed to have been introduced into the country from the countries West of Ghana viz., Guinea, Sierra Leone and La Cote D’Ivoire many years ago, and later found its way into the educational system [31].
1.4. Concept and Scope of Small and Medium-Scale Enterprises (SMEs)
Every country or region has developed its definition which varies across national statistical systems. Verma [32] notes that the concept of an SME depends on the number of staff, the size of the company, the total assets, revenue and investment levels. Banks describe SMEs in terms of average annual revenue, with thresholds varying by country depending on the size of the economy and the nature of the corporate sector [33]. The World Bank defines SMEs as “enterprises with up to 300 employees and total annual sales of up to US$15 million” [34]. Approximately 97% of businesses in Mexico and Thailand are micro-small businesses [32].
From the African perspective, according to Kuwornu [35], SME is a company with a maximum of 50 workers, with a working capital of around 50 million Uganda Shillings and a turnover of 10 - 50 million Uganda Shillings. This description is consistent with that of [36]. According to Kuwornu [37], the SME “is an enterprise that hires between 5 and 50 people (small-scale) and between 51 and 500 (medium-scale)”. This means that in Uganda, small and the annual turnover of the company as well as the capital base of the company as the related parameters.
According to Ablorh-Sowah [33], the size of jobs is the most relevant criterion used in Ghana to medium-sized enterprises are known as small and medium-sized enterprises. However, small and medium-sized companies are divided into three categories in Botswana. Nkwe [38] reported that more variables are used to classify small and medium-sized businesses, such as job levels, annual turnover and the overall annual balance sheet. He further clarified that the current agreed concept of small and medium-sized enterprises in Botswana is based on three types of enterprises using annual turnover and the number of employees. Similar to Botswana, Namibia uses these groups to categorize small and medium-sized enterprises. According to the Namibia Institute of Public Policy Research [39], the Ministry of Trade and Industry in Namibia described small and medium-sized enterprises as “a sector of small business organizations with full-time employees ranging from 6 to 100 employees”.
In Namibia, the concept of an SME is based on the number of workers, describing small and medium-sized enterprises. The Ghana Statistical Service, in its 2020 Ghana Industrial Consensus, considered firms with between 5 and 29 employees and with fixed assets not exceeding $100,000 to be small, whereas those with between 30 and 99 employees were rated as medium-sized enterprises. In 2021, the Ghana Statistical Service again classified companies with less than 10 employees as small-scale enterprises and their counterparts with more than 10 employees as medium and large-scale enterprises. The importance of fixed assets in the company is an alternative measure used to describe small and medium-sized enterprises. However, the National Board of Small-Scale Industries (NBSSI) in Ghana applies the requirements for both fixed assets and the number of employees. It defines the small-scale enterprise as “one with not more than 9 employees, with a plant and machinery (excluding property, buildings and vehicles) not exceeding 1000 Ghana Cedis”. However, for the purposes of this study, it would be appropriate to note from these definitions that the mechanism of valuation of fixed assets in itself poses a challenge because the constant weakening of the exchange rate sometimes results in such definitions being outdated. MoTI [40] categorised firms or industries as follows: 1) micro, less than 5 employees; 2) small, 5 - 29 employees; 3) medium, 30 - 99 employees; and 4) large, 100 and more employees. For this research, the Venture Capital Trust Fund (VCTF) Act 2004 (Act 680, section 28) definition of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) will be used for this study, as it is a more recent definition. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are described by the VCTF as “an industry, firm, project, undertaking or economic activity that employs not more than 100 people and whose total asset base, except land and construction, does not exceed a cedi value equivalent of US$ 1 million”.
Ghana has more than 90% of registered enterprises in the group of small and medium-sized enterprises Kuwornu [35]. This shows that the small and medium-scale industries control the economy of Ghana, and hence their contributions cannot be overstated. Despite the important role of small and medium-sized enterprises in Ghana’s economy, the pace at which they run out of business is 50 per cent annually, leaving much to be desired [33]. Lack of capital and access to finance, demand-side constraints, supply-side constraints, lending infrastructure, policy and institutional constraints, training and education, poor crime management, and poor business location are the major challenges affecting SMEs [32]. Non-access to international marketing, lack of international marketing standards and regulations, lack of government support for SMEs, setting customer services and needs satisfaction, lack of skills for entrepreneurship, weak networking structure for international marketing are the challenges of SMEs [36].
Acquah [36] further opines that the lack of favourable, non-transparent and complicated legal and regulatory structures coupled with acute red tape, insufficient market access, low purchasing power, weak transport infrastructure, lack of knowledge of markets outside their immediate locality are some of the challenges facing SMEs. They later added that Low productivity and product quality, inadequate and outdated technology, low levels of technical and vocational skills, weak business management capabilities, low competitiveness, lack of access to capital also hinder the development of SMEs. Osabutey [41], also stated that access to finance, management skills, macro-environment factors, and entrepreneurial skills are the challenges affecting the performance of SMEs in the world.
2. Methodology
The design is based on the qualitative paradigm, this is because the nature of the study required the researchers to rely heavily upon extensive observation, provide clear and in-depth interviews and descriptions that result in non-numerical data [42]. The exploratory case study research design was adopted for the study. This was used because, it is a methodological approach that involves systematically collecting information about the social environment, event or community in order to enable the researcher to accurately understand how it works or functions [43]. The researchers employed expert purposive sampling technique to select six (6) small-scale batik and tie-dye industries that could fairly represent the population and provide credible and authentic information that could effectively substantiate the research questions of the study and again used the maximum variation purposive sampling technique to select six (6) batik and tie-dye retail shops, two (2) training institutions (Takoradi Technical University and Tema Technical Institute), Ghana Export Promotion Authority and National Board for Small Scale Industries. Rendwick [44] support the use of as few as three to five participants in qualitative descriptive research and as many as 20, while Creswell and Plano [45] suggest 20 - 30 if saturation is not reached. On that basis, 16 participants were used as respondents. The instruments used were unstructured and semi-structured interviews and non-participant observation.
3. Findings and Discussions
3.1. Socio-Cultural Environment and Challenges
The socio-cultural environment is a combination of social and cultural factors. Due to the strong interaction that exists between them, it is very difficult to assess their separate influence on the business operation of small-scale industries [46]. Social and cultural values and beliefs regarding entrepreneurship have an important influence on motivational antecedents of entrepreneurial intention and business performance at the same time when these values and beliefs are not properly managed it can have a serious effect on the entrepreneur or the business [47]. Chaudhuri et al. [48] confirmed this as social and cultural values have significant effects on their self-confidence; achievement-motivation and even their willingness to take the risk, qualities that are closely linked to success or otherwise in business.
The study revealed that a lot of family responsibilities to fulfil necessitate batik and tie-dye producers and retailers to seek extra income to suffice day-to-day family living requirements. Small business owners are then confronted with the question of their intention to start a new family income business or to make a profit and expand a business [49]. If small business owners limit their strategies to provide income to their families, the growth of their business is not guaranteed; therefore, the small business owners are faced with the challenge of their plans of starting a new business for family income or making a profit and growing the business [47]. Again, family roles contradict the business role, these family roles like reproduction, children rearing and taking care of the family retards the progress of the business. Sometimes one has to close early the business and go home to attend to family matters making him or her not concentrate on serving customers and other related business activities.
Lots of people depend on entrepreneurs because of the poverty level in the country. When you start a business then all eyes will be on you. Parents like to have their daily meals from the new business you have established and your peers will also be looking forward to their survival. Some people established businesses because their peers are doing the same business without having any interest in that particular business. Blakely [50] is of the view that one’s social environment exists of outmoded cultural practices, as well as pressures from family, friends, and lack of personal exposure to entrepreneurship. Wright [51] made a similar observation that major agents of social factors that pose a challenge to businesses are: the family, peers, the school, the mass media and reference groups.
The poor and lackadaisical attitude from society especially when starting a business thinking that the business would not succeed thereby not supporting the business. This has been explained as rigid traditions and other cultural practices (values, taboos, rituals, customs, beliefs, attitude towards time and norms) affect the growth of the business. It emphasized that people attached so much attention to religion to the detriment of their business. Some religious teachings that, some days are not to be used to work, especially, the observation of Sabbath days by some religious groups, certain sex of people should not lead certain sex by another group of the religious group and the number of days spent for religious activities does not promote the growth of the business. Lots of church members have been indoctrinated by their pastors in such a way that they waste precious days and time at church praying and fasting because their enemies are against them and leaving their business.
The age of an entrepreneur has both positive and negative effects on a business. Most young people enter into business because they want their peers to know that they are working without having a proper business plan that will bring progress to their business. They are not mature enough to handle business shock that is not expected. In terms of ethnicity, it was revealed that certain ethnic groups are noted for a particular trade because of the location of that particular ethnic group example those living in the coastal lines are more engaged in a particular work and those in the hinterlands are also associated with certain trade. Though it is admitted that because of modernisation things have changed a little but still it can be noted. The lifestyle of people contributes to the collapse of small and medium-scale businesses as some people spend a lot of their business money on material things like dress, hairstyles, phones and others do not think of reinvesting the capital in the business that will eventually bring progress to the firm. This has been confirmed by Cepel [52] that social-cultural challenges are made up of a collection of activities and relationships through which people engage in their personal and private lives which include population features, age, ethnicity, attitude and lifestyles among others.
The level of education puts the entrepreneur at a certain level that enables him or her to use any proceeds from the business to good use especially those who have been in tertiary institutions and taught management practices. It was revealed that those without any management training lack the requisite knowledge of managing the enterprise thereby misusing the profits from the business. Similarly, Wright [51] confirmed that age and the educational background of small business managers play a role in influencing the success or otherwise of a business. The educational history and expertise of managers enable the use of financial plans to have an impact on the success of small business start-ups [50].
Personal exposure to entrepreneur and generation effect contributes to the success of a business. Some people are exposed to certain business because it is a family business or it is within their surroundings, that is particular business is predominant there thereby making it easy for the person to enter and sustain rather than someone who is not exposed to that business who will struggle a little to succeed. Again, when businesses have been handed over from mother to daughter, father to son, uncle to nephew and auntie to niece, such businesses are likely to be sustained since all the family members will give technical and professional advice for the sustenance of the business as compared to someone who started the business with fresh knowledge.
3.2. Findings
The study revealed several socio-cultural challenges that hinder the progress of batik and tie-dye production and retailing, among them, are:
1) Family roles contradict the business role such as reproduction, children raising and taking care of the home. Sometimes one has to close early the business and go home to attend to family issues making him or her not concentrate on the business. Again, pressure from family members as in making demands from the entrepreneur for freebies and financial support for family needs at the expense of reinvestment or expansion.
2) Poor support from society members, the lackadaisical attitude from members of the society especially when starting a business thinking that the business would not succeed, thereby, not supporting the business. Also, rigid traditions and other cultural practices affect the growth of the business.
3) Again, some religious teachings that, some days are not to be used to work, especially, the strict observation of Sabbath days by some religious groups, certain sex of people should not lead certain sex by another group and the number of days spent for religious activities does not promote the growth of the business.
4) Maturity, age, ethnicity and lifestyle of some of the entrepreneurs affect the growth of small-scale businesses. A good number of young entrepreneurs enter into business without having a proper business plan that will bring progress to their business and are not mature enough to handle the unexpected business shock. In terms of ethnicity, certain ethnic groups are noted for a particular trade because of their location. Some also engage in businesses as a result of family lineage and not because they wanted to do business and this leads to mismanagement and later collapse.
5) Finally, training can determine the success or failure of a business. The level of training or exposure puts the entrepreneur in a good position to be successful with the business.
4. Conclusions
The study has established that certain family roles make it impossible for small-scale businesses to grow and excessive demand from some family members retards the progress of the business. Also, poor financial and technical support from society and members of the family do a long way to affect the development of any business. Again, taboos, rites, and other cultural practices have a serious effect on the growth of small businesses like batik and tie-dye. The level of education has a long way to affect the performance of small-scale businesses either positively or negatively. Owing to the conclusions of the study, it can therefore be concluded that, the socio-cultural challenges have led to the collapse of most batik and tie-dye production and retailing industry leaving thousands of Ghanaians jobless.
Based on the findings and conclusions of the study, it is recommended that producers of batik and tie-dye must separate family roles from work responsibilities to enable them to perform effectively. Again, family members, parents and peers must desist from putting pressure on the entrepreneurs by demanding monies and other resources simply because they are working. Furthermore, the government must resource Ghana Standard Board (GSB), Ghana Export Promotion Authority (GEPA) and National Board for Small Scale Industry (NBSSI) to have regular in-service training for batik and tie-dye producers and retailers to address poor financial and technical challenges and also on product quality on the international market. Outmoded taboos, rites, and other cultural practices that affect the growth of small and medium-scale businesses like batik and tie-dye must be reviewed to meet the modern and technological times. The industry players especially the producers and retailers of batik and tie-dye must have some education (formal or informal) to help them stay in business as the level of education has a long way effect on the performance of small-scale businesses either positively or negatively.
Acknowledgements
In preparing this manuscript, we have been aided by a few tireless scholars. First of all, our gratitude goes to Dr. Eric Kwame Agyarkoh, a lecturer in the Department of Vocational Education, University of Cape Coast for his devotion and meticulous guidance during the rendition and documentation of this study. We wish to register our sincere appreciation again to Mr. Bernard Kofi Kulekpor, a Principal Liberian at Osagyefo Library, University of Education, Winneba who also assisted us in our library work.