The Instability of Political and Administrative Institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

This article uses a historical approach to identify and analyze the factors leading to the instability of political and administrative institutions of the Democratic Republic of Congo from independence to the year 2017. There are multiple factors related to institutional instability in the DRC. Key among them includes the inadequate constitutional provisions, the difficulties caused by the non-application of democratic principles, the heterogeneity of the populace and frequent conflicts. Other contributors to the institutional instability experienced in the DRC include the politicization of the administration, the prevailing social-economic situation, poor governance, the non-observance of the laws, the poor distribution of the national wealth, foreign pressures and macroeconomic influences. The challenges due to institutional and political instability in the DRC provide opportunities for the Congolese state and its populace to re-invent itself to be a truly democratic space where the ambitions to develop and improve the living conditions of the people can be improved through stabilized and functional institutions.


Introduction
This study focuses on the chronic instability of the political and administrative institutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo covering the period from independence from 30 June 1960 until 2017.
Today, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains confronted with difficulties of all kinds. For more than a decade, there have been endless wars and conflicts with rapes, deaths among civilian populations, internal and external displaced persons, looting of resources, insecurity of people and their property in the Territory National. The DRC has subsequently undergone very important events, Open Journal of Social Sciences To date, the Government of Joseph Kabila, creating a crisis and this crisis is responsible for the eradication of the evil that gangrene of the DRC by contempt of text and the bottleneck in the process people election. This chronic state crisis prompts us to explore in depth the causes of inadequate institutional instability in the constitutions of these States which has also deeply affected the Congolese economy (Kibanda, M., et al., 2005, 44) [4].
As for the fundamental principle of democracy, it is defined as the Government of the people, by the people and for the people. The practice of democracy must be learned. It depends on the will and determination as well as the collective wisdom of the peoples themselves and not the benevolence of the leaders who only derive their legitimacy from themselves. Democracy is not just a set of rules and constitutional procedures that determine how a government works, but it is also a system of government that is seen as part of a social fabric made up of institutions Public and State, political parties, organizations and associations of numerous and diverse.
This diversity or pluralism implies that the multiple institutions and governments organized within a democratic society do not depend on the government for their existence, their legitimacy or their authority. They interact with the Government, motor and responsible for the collective life. Indeed, democracy is emerging through the complex ensemble of political, social, religious and cultural forces at work in a community. Economic development paves the way for democracy and political will makes it a reality. It does not go back to the sum of the institutions.
Any healthy democracy depends largely on the behaviors, practices, and norms that determine the ability of people to govern themselves. It requires a civic culture (Op. cit. 2005; 14, 19.38).
The DRC should open up an era of freedom and development. But, the proclamation of independence on June 30, 1960, brought the Congo into the zone of political turbulence where Prime Minister Patrice Emery"s speech Lumumba pronounced that day will throw the cold in relations between the Congo and the former power Colonial. Very soon, the relationship between President Joseph KASA-VUBU and the prime minister will be spoiled. In September 1960, they will revoke each other.
The latter, also calling for the Constitution and the democratic principle which wants a government with a parliamentary majority to remain in place, would not want to submit to the presidential decision. Thus, the crisis began and, for five years, the Democratic Republic of the Congo will not have the stability of political and administrative Institutions. It was in the face of this confusion that Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu made a first "coup d"état" and set up the College of Commissioners General (Lé on de Saint Moulin et al., 2003) [5].
As of 17 January 1961, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo will be the death knell for the confusion that is to come and will continue, despite the interlude of the Adoula government, until Mobutu"s seizure of power on 24 November 1965. The regime established by Mobutu will be characterized by authoritarianism, single partyism, less consideration of human rights. The living conditions of the population will deteriorate as we go along. The population will thus implement survival strategies. Deceptive and deceptive slogans such as "Moto Na moto Abongisa", "MPR equals serve, serve, no" and the Philosophy of "authenticity" will only maneuver to seat the party-state (Kibanda, M., et al., 2005, 4).
The democratization launched on 24 April 1990 will only be a powder in the eyes. The immense hope raised by the secular community at a Sovereign National Conference (C.N.S./Narine Simonian), from August 1991 to December 1992, will be short-lived. The transition that begins will be an uninterrupted sequence of disappointments. On these Entreaties, comes to power on May 1st, 1997, the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation "AFDL" of Laurent Désiré Kabila who overthrow the dictator weakened by a long popular protest.
One year later, a series of rebellion movements based on the lack of democracy for some, sometimes on the looting of natural resources and thus of the economy (appropriation of mining and natural resources). This wave of wars proved to be extremely complex, splashing the entire Great Lakes region and making more than It should also be noted that the allies of the DRC-Zimbabwe and Angola-have strong interests too in this ungoverned Congo, which is a "geological scandal" attracting speculators of all fur: the first covet the rich diamond deposits of Kasai Let us also underline the fact that some models of development are copied without taking into account our realities, others are imposed by the Western powers and still, others are tailored to perpetuate the reign of dictators.

2) Parliamentary Democracy and its Consequences
Reflecting on the application of liberal democracy in Asia, Tan

3) Ethnic Heterogeneity
Buchman, J., (1962,27) [9], analyzing the phenomenon of ethnic fragmentation in black Africa is expressed in these words: "To talk about the heterogeneity of Negro-African society is to raise the issue of polytheism". The heterogeneous structure of the infinitely fragmented ethnic groups of the black continent is the fundamental factor in the instability of the administrative political Institutions.
Ethnic heterogeneity has become a weapon used by politicians who start ma- Some, opportunists, who do everything to exercise and retain power as long as possible; and others criticize and conduct actions to recover or snatch power in the hands of the majority. However, they do so in scattered order. Thus, the DRC is experiencing a huge destabilization, several dialogues are organized. All this have the objective of seeking at all costs to remain in power.

4) The Politicisation of the Administration
Politicization is the action by which political significance is given to a situation that is lacking (Benoit, 1981) [10]. In Marxist doctrine, it is a fact of giving a political conscience to individuals instead of unorganized and exploited workers. It is a universal phenomenon used even in the DRC during the eve of democracy. The plethora of incompetent staff is due to the too hasty Africanization of executives and the politicization of the administrative apparatus. It resulted in high mobility of civil servants and commitments dictated by either ethnic or political affiliation.
On the incompetence and Africanization of executives, Senghor (1961, 130) [11], averred "Africanizing at a discount, by placing incompetent officials in positions that require a proven technicality, it is to go back, it is to introduce anarchy, waste, and inefficiency in the services of the state, it is to deprive us of means of a modern state". For him, the development of Africa, it is necessary that the Africans put themselves around concentric circles with a united culture, thus the ne-gritude.
Politicization is the action by which political significance is given to a situation without it Benoit, J., (1981). In Marxist doctrine, it is the fact of giving a political conscience to individuals or rather to unorganized and exploited workers. It is a universal phenomenon used even in the countries of the Watch democracy. The plethora of incompetent staff is due to the too hasty Africanization of executives and the politicization of the administrative apparatus. It results in too much mobility of civil servants and commitments dictated by either ethnic or political affiliation.
Speaking of the incompetence and Africanization of executives, Senghor, L.S., (1961,130), said: "Africanize at a discount, by placing incompetent officials has positions that require a proven technicality, it is to go back, it is to introduce Anarchy, wastefulness, and inefficiency in the services of the state deprive us of the means of a modern state. For him, to achieve the development of Africa, it is necessary that the Africans put themselves around concentric circles with as field culture, thus the Negritude.
The history of Congo reminds us that the Congolese public Administration has been politicized since colonial times Campenhoudt, L., (1995) [12]. This continued after independence, that is when the management of the public thing is en- Hence, all these elements-lack of competent staff, the politicization of Admin- stitutions. This is how we find that there is no change in its evolution, although there has been an establishment of the apparently democratic political institutions.
Rather, we are witnessing a kind of advanced decay of the Congolese administrative system, the proliferation of anti-values, an administrative system characterized by corruption, impunity, the hijacking, clientelism, nepotism, and Subjectivization of its human resources. Let"s add that there are 250,000 eligible pensioners to whom the state is not even able to pay the exit allowances.

5) Social and Economic Causes
Since 1885 to date, the Congo has gone through several types of anachronistic This poverty is at the root of, among other things, the precariousness and vulnerability or fragility of the social fabric in Congo because it has a direct impact on malnutrition, health, illiteracy, infant and juvenile mortality, Risk maternity, poor habitat...
A member of the Belgian Colony Chamber Bethume (2008) [13] said that agricultural policy was defined as the main source of national wealth, and was the most important factor in the country"s prosperity and economic development.
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a country endowed with incredible wealth, not only thanks to the resources that abound in its subsoil but also thanks to its vast tracts of arable land and its immense forests that have unrivaled potential Tollens, P., ( 2009, 34) [14].
Production has been reduced in recent years to subsistence activities, despite Certainly, the Congo is a country with an agricultural vocation that could spontaneously give the riches of the products, in this case, palm oil, coffee, cocoa, cassava, maize, tea, etc. But its development requires serious capital. Agricultural policy should be the predominant concern of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to ensure conditions conducive to administrative and individual activity.
In addition, agricultural decentralization in the DRC establishes strategies for their production sectors, namely: cassava, rice, maize, coffee, Palm tree... et to take care of transport infrastructure, processing, and marketing of these products.
The real function of decentralization is to enable the peasant community to live in peace, by seeking their own agricultural sectors in order to increase the budget or Over the past ten years, Coltan has occupied the main stage of all mining speculation in parallel with the mobile phone boom, which is one of the essential components. This coltan has created its lot of new rich internally as external, and especially its millions of innocent victims. It has, like the diamond in Angola and Sierra Leone, and like oil in Iraq and Kuwait, makes the misfortune of the populations whose future has been heavily mortgaged (African studies; April 2010).
Let us say that this is a Congolese society affected by a profound political, economic and social crisis which must face the constraints linked to the restructuring of the world economy into a single free market and to the global competition be-Open Journal of Social Sciences tween States and the new political and cultural order that is being put in place.
However, the current economic situation depends, first and foremost, on the awareness of Congolese decision-makers, of being able to give good directives and economic policies; Agricultural policy, decentralization of it. Because all development is primarily endogenous and intelligence is first interpreted as the art of knowing what will serve to be successful, to conquer markets. Instability is in a totally frozen sense, especially because its persistence is desired by many actors. Rwanda and Uganda, in particular, have an interest in the conflict as it facilitates the smuggling of ore at the border. Thus, in the east of the DRC, and particularly in Kivu, there are clashes that allow Rwanda to continue to plunder the mineral wealth and natural resources of the areas they controlled.

6) Poor Governance
Bad governance is the plague that prevents the DRC from taking off. There are looting of resources, embezzlement, corruption, financial mismanagement, the primacy of selfish interests at the expense of the general interest, etc.
For several months, the DRC has again been in bad governance, following the regime"s refusal to abide by the Constitution of the country and to organize the elections without the current head of State whose second and last term has expired since 19 December 2016. 2 Since February 18, 2006, President Joseph Kabila has invested the destruction to disarticulate the 2016 election organizations while we compromise in December 2017 election process.
M. Assogba deplores the unsavory behavior of some of the political leaders who seek at all costs to remain in power through truncated elections. The squandering of potentials reduces the continent to a ""poverty nest"", he said.
He felt that poor financial and electoral governance constituted a serious obstacle to the development of the African continent. "Corruption on the African continent is detrimental to objectivity, justice, and equal opportunities, fairness, and non-discrimination, which underlie human rights," he lamented.
Politically, it points out that corruption puts democracy and good governance at a bad level. "In the elections and in the legislatures, corruption reduces responsibility and representation in the development of policy if it is not controlled and in the judicial system it erodes the rule of law," he observed.
He has been involved in observing the elections in Africa. The African continent has been politically liberalized since the late 1980 and early 1990, following the wind of democratization that has blown over the world. "Almost all of the 53 Member States of the African Union (AU) has adopted the multi-stakeholder democracy that has led to a march towards regular pluralistic elections where competition prevails," he recalled.
In the Face of this reality, the causes for adopting this democracy are profound for the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in particular, the fact that it is a potentially wealthy country with an extremely poor population.
Bad governance still has beautiful days ahead of them. It is one of the main segments of this evil which prevents the DRC from advancing. Every time it steps Open Journal of Social Sciences forward, the country makes two in the opposite direction, backing.
Bad governance has not yet finished having hard skin. Indeed, there is a need to see how the development and mismanagement of the resources for development projects and the vitality of the Congolese have always been absent at the rendezvous of progress which is only moving away like the wind.
Moreover, fifty-seven years ago, Congolese agriculture was the most prosperous in Africa; the DRC was the largest exporter of certain tropical products such as coffee, cocoa, palm oil or rubber, with agricultural research in International reputation.
Today, Congo has been virtually wiped out of the list of exporting countries for agricultural products, despite an agricultural potential that puts it in second place as a world reserve for mechanizable arable land after Brazil, while its research Agronomics is no more than the shadow of itself. 3 The Congolese manufacturing industry was the first in sub-Saharan Africa. Today it has lost whole parts to the benefit of similar products imported. Fifty years ago, a mail sent from any corner of the Republic was certain to arrive at any point of its destination. No one is unaware that poverty in the DRC is not a myth. To be persuaded, it is sufficient to note the inability of a large majority of Congolese populations to meet food needs, inability to access health needs, access to schooling, decent housing, etc. All these facets of poverty are observable both in urban and rural environments. Poverty in Congolese society is also perceptible by increasing social phenomena that reflect a profound social crisis. The most convincing case is probably Open Journal of Social Sciences the prostitution of minors.
In the end, we denounce the unspeakable suffering and misery that has become the daily lot of the Congolese population deprived of the emotional enjoyment of social and economic rights due to bad governance and the blatant injustices practiced by the various Congolese governments under the beard of the institution President of the Republic.
The same is the opacity surrounding the setting of salaries, emoluments, endowments, and other bonuses of the animators of the institutions, in general, and the institutions President of the Republic and Government, in particular.
To remedy bad governance first, the people must learn to sanction their political leaders by "a vote sanction", the people must come out demonstrating against all political policies carried out by governments. They would have to feel a threat to change things, we must have a mechanism to control government action other than that of Parliament because in Parliament it is always the same majority between government and the National Assembly and this elected officials of the same political party will never sanction their comrades in the government. This is often called the dictatorship of the political parties that are the real actors of bad governance.
We strongly believe that mediocre leaders are at the root of bad governance which is the key factor in the suffering of the Congolese people. They have put in place a bad policy and a bad strategy to bring the people to the suffering. This is how we mock Congolese leaders in the world. We dare to believe that one day each of the Congolese, at the forefront of the rulers, will have to divorce with bad governance and corruption; it will be a beginning of "liberation" for one and the other, even if it appears, until then, as a chimera. The Congo is, therefore, a country that cannot enforce its sovereignty, hampered by the weight of historical heritage and by regional instability. Even now, the situation is far from being stabilized, as shown by the political crisis in which the country has been plunged since Joseph Kabila"s contested re-election in November 2011.

7) Non-compliance with the Laws
The regime"s refusal to comply with the Constitution of the country and to organize the elections without the current head of State whose second and last term has expired since 19 December 2016 and the President Joseph Kabila has invested the destruction to disarticulate the 2016 election organizations while we compromise in December 2017 election process. To this end, the "business climate" is very uncertain, which does not encourage private investment in DRC.
Today, the deficit of state authority is a fact that has been established for decades and is growing: the country is poorly governed. This opens the door to anar-Open Journal of Social Sciences chy and maintains an economic, social and political climate conducive to balkanization. Indeed, the confusion is general: the structures of the state being already deficient have become, moreover, illegal, or in any case unconstitutional. Fortunately, there is the agreement of the New Year"s Eve which legitimizes them until the next elections of 31 December 2017. The country is even more fragile than ever. Politically, it is exposed to all the winds 6 .
In plain view, in the face of such a slump, we can consider that, in the exercise of his duties towards us, our political class almost. As a primary sovereign, you must take your destiny in the peaceful and democratic ways, in the active and evangelical non-violence.
Conversely, the Democratic Republic of the Congo refuses the rule of law to borrow the pattern of the law of force, violence and the jungle. The Republic will have made the choice of the insecurity of violence, conflict, and chaos.
We have the ambition to believe that the Democratic Republic of the Congo must have the respect of the provisions by locking the system in the interest of consideration of democracy because the DRC is not in itself sick of the texts but rather it is the actor"s Policies that do not want to respect the texts. Sometimes texts are respected by those who are in power only when they guarantee their interests. Whenever the texts are no longer to their advantage, they either modify them immediately, or they arrange to no longer respect them by pushing arguments detractors. In this regard, Bourdier Pierre evokes the roles of the bourgeoisie and the elite in the manufacture of laws.

8) The Poor Distribution of Wealth
The DRC, an outrageously rich country but the population lives in the darkest misery (cf. GNP, per capita income, etc.). The wealth of an individual or a country is generally expressed in terms of money and income, but also the accumulation of such assets in the form of. It is not only a state, but it is also a flow.
As noted by Yves Lacoste (1986) [18], in his book "from Geography to landscapes", he emphasizes that the environment in all its dimensions is strategic and thus, the realization of the limits of the planet"s resources, It notes that its structuring leads to conflicting attitudes on the part of certain states. Those who consider any attempt to claim common as an infringement of their sovereignty. The greed aroused by the mining wealth of the DRC plunges the country into a war of resources.
It sums up that the DRC is one of the least developed countries on the planet. It also notes that all the actors involved in looting natural resources in the DRC are illegally exploiting natural resources to fuel their war effort, making it difficult to find a peaceful solution. Today, the protection of Congolese world heritage is becoming almost non-existent because the Congolese people are not able to put into practice the rules of international environmental law.
The IMF, for its part, shows that the DRC remains one of the poorest in the world, despite the immense richness of its subsoil. It calls on the Congolese gov-ernment to diversify its economy, among other things to create more jobs.
There is only one figure to make more of a European economy more envious.
Yet despite this good score, the Congolese standard of living does not improve, or too little. Eight Congolese in ten still live on less than 1.25 dollar a day. This is much less good than most countries in the region. The Congolese economy is not diversified enough.
Its growth is mainly based on the mining sector: Cobalt, copper, and diamond.
A segment that produces cash but too few jobs. Result. Unemployment remains very high, especially among young people, analysis of the IMF. 7 Another problem, corruption, and armed groups or (warlords) in eastern Congo prevent a good redistribution of these riches. The fact remains that progress has been made in other areas, such as access to education and health, but not enough to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, recalls the IMF. Finally, the latest disruptive elements of the economy according to them.
According to Global Witness (2005) [19], in its report titled: "Peace under tension: Dangerous and illicit trade in the Cassiterite in the east of the DRC", shows that the DRC is a country endowed with extraordinary natural resources, but whose population has never benefited. It then notes that the DRC has been at the center of a phenomenon called "African World War".
His analyses show that the motives of this war were not only political and/or ethnic but also economic. This report then shows that the main battles such as the capture of the province of Tshopo in Kisangani, a province rich in diamonds, were motivated by the presence of natural resources.
To this end, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is a country rich in natural resources, despite the fact that its population remains in the misery that now plunges this country into poverty. A long time ago the wealth of the DRC attracted the lust of its neighbors and even Westerners. This lust has been made both internally and externally and has led to the illegal exploitation of natural resources which has had consequences for the protection of the National environment.
Indeed, although the wealth of the DRC was the object of lust, it was during the first war waged by AFDL in 1996 with Ugandan and Rwandan armies, from the eastern provinces of the country, that natural resources were looted Armies as they progressed. This looting was done, of course, and unfortunately, in complicity with the Congolese themselves.
It should be said that man was himself destructive of his own living environ- This lust for the wealth of the DRC has had a detrimental impact on the protection of the national environment, whereas it is this environment that is the framework of life that ensures health, food, shelter, rest and recreation.  In fact, armed groups, rebellions accompanied by several militias and some foreign armies have restarted the national territory of the DRC by exploiting its resources. As a result, the war could be financed from the inside while promoting a war economy made up of smuggling and illegal trafficking of these resources (Labana, L.A., et al., 2006) [22]. To this end, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is among the states most affected by the insecurity that has caused and continues to suffer both human and material consequences. So the question we ask is what is the basis of the turbulence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in particular? And what are the exogenous causes of repeat insecurity in this part of the Great Lakes countries region?

External Causes
Thus, among the endogenous causes that justify the turbulence in the DRC, without fear of being contradicted, we will cite the period of disorders caused by the "massacres" of students of the University of Lubumbashi, the cessation of international cooperation Resulting from the looting (1991 and 1993), the blockade of the work of the CNS, the massacre of Christians claiming the reopening of the work of the CNS (13 February 1992), in short the effects of the blockade of the democratization process launched on 24 April 1990. The Democratic Republic of the Congo was still in the process of building or seeking a new political order. Since then, the political situation remains unstable and remains a concern (CENCO/CARTEC, 2004) [23].
Among exogenous causes, we will retain the implications of the belligerents" vital economic and geographical interests. Indeed, recent history has shown that the international trade in arms sales, as well as the abusive importation of arms by the African States, also plays a detonating role, as is the intervention of the neighboring States.
The clandestine trade in the distribution of arms in the region is a significant cause of the hegemonic will of the HEMA-TUTSI project, with the support of the major powers, multinational corporations, and some countries in the region such as Uganda and Rwanda. In the end, we will cite the Franco-American rivalries in the Great Lakes region.
In the end, the pressures of the economic world and the influence of foreign countries are generally exercised through the economy and finance. It is well known that the Democratic Republic of the Congo needs economic and financial assistance in order to undertake the development program.
Therefore, the establishment of the independent State of the Congo (1885-1908) by the king of the Belgians Leopold II, the Belgian colonization   In fact, at the end of the years 1990, studies abounded about the resurgence of conflicting relations between the DRC and the neighboring States of the African Great Lakes countries sub-region. These conflicts, of a political, diplomatic and military nature, have, according to many national and international experts, a single leading cause: access to natural resources of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Let"s take a close look at geopolitics, which is a discipline that examines the relationship between space and politics. Indeed, the creation of a Union of Central African States, in 1968, with Chad and the Central African Republic, the creation of the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries (CEPGL) as well as the institution of numerous tripartite states of peace with the neighboring countries had a mindset, a different geopolitical rationalization. 8 The DRC, the guardian of the geopolitical balances of the European nations of the 19th century, which despite everything was subject to limitations of sovereignty internally and externally, no longer exists, even if some spirits want to resurrect it. This context is subtly reproduced by the Nairobi Pact and its many pro- In practice, this organization put more emphasis on the safety of the heads of States that composed it despite this substantial security of the Member States; this could only foster peace between them.
Thus, after slavery, colonization, decolonization, pseudo-independence, and globalization, the world enters a new phase of geopolitics. During each of these major event changes, the black continent has been and remains the prey of industrialized societies. Hunger, bad governance, confiscation of power, non-respect for human rights, corruption and institutionalization of recurrent patronage, epidemics, wars, genocide, nepotism at the top of power and dictatorship Institutionalized are rooted in Africa under a Western protective shield, especially French. 9 The Democratic wind that blew on the mainland in the early 90 has dissipated to the tail of poison under the vehemence of dictators and the attachment of settlers who have never abandoned the slave spirit, leaving Ashes, systems, and Open Journal of Social Sciences methods of secular civilization. Since the colonial periods, the African continent has been glazed by the Western secret services, especially French. Since then, the social, political, economic and cultural existence of the black continent is made and defeated in the West especially in the African cell of the Elysee. 10 In the light of the above, internal political crises have seen the system of the single parties exhausted but also the collapse of the east-west blocs, which in some way protected this one-party military system. The economic crisis: the fall in coffee and tea prices, including the combined effects of IMF and World Bank structural adjustment policies (massive unemployment of former government officials) have created social tensions that the claims of the multiparty were more insistent in the face of regimes that did not want to unleash their power. 11 In this context of mutation, several conflicts related to nationality, identity, land tensions, the return of refugees or access to power have been instrumentalized to degenerate into more or less circumscribed or widespread massacres. But until the first half of the years 1990, each country was confronted with its own problems.
There were the geopolitical vacuum and the search for regional leadership. Until the beginning of the years 1990, the regional balance was somehow guaranteed by the leadership of Zairian President Mobutu.
Nevertheless, the latter weakened from the inside by the opposition and, from the outside, by a series of international sanctions and by the loss of the support he enjoyed with the Western powers, had lost that authority. Therefore, this vacant place was to be occupied. Thus, "New African leaders", to use the words of President Bill Clinton, were to be promoted. The latter referred to presidents MUSEVENI in Uganda, Isaias AFEWORKI in Eritrea and Paul KAGAME in Rwanda and to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles ZENAWI. In the Great Lakes region, two presidents belonged to this category of new leaders (Labana, L.A., et al., 2006).
Engaged in the war in the DRC, in a military coalition in support of a rebellion against the Congolese government, the Ugandan and Rwandan armies finally opposed to control certain Congolese territories. This "brothers" war is the translation of the struggle for regional leadership. This is how there will be the geopolitical Redial. Between April and July 1994, the Civil war in Rwanda degenerated into the genocide of the Tutsi and Hutu of the opposition. An influx of fugitives and refugees (more than 1 million people) have found refuge in refugee camps in northern and southern Kivu, east of the DRC and at the gates of Rwanda.
Among these fugitives were militias and members of the former army, involved in the genocide and posing a threat to Rwanda. The dismantling of these camps and the dispersal of these populations has helped to weaken the balances and to generalize the insecurity in the east of the DRC. The civil war, then regional, which erupted in DRC opposed a rebellion and the Congolese army, both supported by two coalitions of foreign armies. Open Journal of Social Sciences A total of ten African countries were either directly or indirectly involved in the conflict. But beyond this war, new geopolitics was emerging from Rwanda where the new power, made up of former refugees and rebels from Uganda, was Anglophone. By its influence, Rwanda switched to "Anglophone". The war in the east of the DRC was then analyzed as an attempt to topple the francophone DRC towards the Anglophone influence. In addition, it is the control of natural resources (wood and ores) of this part of the DRC (Op. cit., 2006).
The Democratic Republic of the Congo today would be different from the Republic of Zaire from the subcontracting of the American Domino in the context of the Cold War in central and southern Africa. The DRC for the period of global governance is now receiving its geopolitical identity and its strategic missions from the Nairobi Pact of the International Conference for the Great Lakes region. This is a very important strategic mutation designed to mark a turning point.
The contrast with the past of the Second Republic is striking: Yesterday, mindful of its self-determined African vocation, the DRC maneuvering and wove its network of alliances to preserve its freedom from maneuvers and exercised its right of initiative in the field of foreign policy and regional integration policy. It will be remembered its diplomatic stowage to the West despite its regional anchorage in Central Africa and the Great Lakes region and its international anchorage in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and in the institutional Pan-Africanism.
The examination of internal and external causes leads us to see to what extent we could adopt important strategies of stabilization within the political and administrative institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Institutional Stabilisation Strategies
We have analyzed the instability of political institutions, without asking ourselves how we can try to remedy this sad situation. That is why we are dedicating this Speaking of the difficult situation prevailing in Africa, Dumont, R. (1996, 203) [24] writes: A democracy in Europe could only be reasonably envisaged after the generalization of elementary education, once a minimum of Economic development" Dumont insists on education, but we focus on the lack of democratic traditions. We need to devote ourselves to changing the mindset of people little by little.
Tackling change in mentality is a real challenge. Indeed, in order to increase the way people participate by broadening the material basis of power, the emergence of the role of independent civil society at all levels are strategies to promote democracy. In order to do this, the institutional solutions must be the following:  The restoration of the authority of the state;  Strengthening institutions;  The definition of a broad national consensus in the Constitution.
Adjustments for overall political management in a democracy must be carried out through a laborious process of negotiation between various actors. This will build a democracy without illusions and dynamics in the light of the roles played by the different social institutions.
In fact, liberal democracy is not easy to enforce. The example of England, a parliamentary country par excellence, shows us that it takes years and sometimes hundreds of years to come to parliamentary democracy. The time is taken by Western countries such as England, France, and the Netherlands, to have a head of state that reigns but does not govern shows how long and difficult the way leading to liberal or parliamentary democracy.
Moreover, democracy implies a high economic development, thus stresses Myrdal, Yunnar (1961, 30) [25] who, expressing reservations about the desirability of establishing democracy in India, reminded the Indian Parliament in 1958 that "Europe had not achieved its Various forms of democracy that after reaching an already high degree of economic development, and India"s attempt to install an analogous type of democracy before a rather pronounced start of development, seemed to him to be very risky". Therefore, black Africa would have to apply democracy in stages. The presidential regime would be the best way to enjoy the powers that are strong enough. At  same time, a genuine separation of powers will be put in place to begin to familiarize public opinion with the mechanisms of democracy. But it is necessary to want to apply liberal democracy at all costs. We are saying that we need to devote ourselves to changing the current political class because the Republic needs the ideal people and not the political conveniences that we are currently living.
In turn, the current economic situation depends first of all on the awareness of the Congolese decision-makers, of being able to give good directives, economic policies, agricultural policy and decentralization of it.
Finally, we can add that democracy has been introduced in the country to stimulate partisan engagement. It is reinforced by the ever-growing poverty in Congolese society. Thus, as violence forced upon submission, fortune, not only corrupts consciousness but also and above all, buys political and administrative consent. This is how the politicians of the majority (the power) and the opposition are not the same facets. Secondly, the DRC"s foreign policy must aim first in its aims at the search for regional power, security, national sovereignty, the increase of the country"s economic prosperity, and the promotion of national unity. These objectives will have to lead Congolese diplomacy to promote national stability and promote peace with However, the difficulties of implementing the DRC"s foreign policy are manifested in the fact that the DRC has not experienced a rational application in its traditional principles because of several factors which block its administration. They are of a political, cooperative and administrative nature.
As for the politicization of the Administration, the solutions reside at the level of the rational use of the frameworks available. It is necessary, as a passage says: "This is the man who must be in the right place." In such a system, public administration, an instrument and an important cog in state power, must be conceived as a State administration and not the other way around, with a mode of operation in favor of development (services to the population) instead to be a mad machine anti-population, messy rather than order.
In terms of the economy, the Congo has long been led by institutionalized predation systems. So it is a whole political economy that underlies the management system and the practices based on the method of picking: We will gather in the coffers of the state (treasury, State companies, material resources, and natural resources) in short, the plundering of the public heritage as one gathers in nature.
As you can see, we must strive to develop and improve the living conditions of the people so that the socio-economic situation can no longer provoke the instability of the institutions, since the DRC is a key player in African integration and it appropriately describes the economic issues. Thus, the development of the economy must aim, as far as possible, at economic independence to rule out influence and also to suspend the macroeconomic system which does not facilitate the emergence of the population.
Finally, we must put a point on the bad governance and the untold suffering of the population and the particularism which makes reading both appealing and informative. Thus, the misery that has become the daily lot of the Congolese population deprived of the emotional enjoyment of social and economic rights. Besides, the people must learn to sanction their political leaders by "a vote sanction", the people must come out to protest against all political policies carried out by governments. They would have to feel a threat to change things. We must have a mechanism to control government action other than Parliament"s because in Parliament it is always the same majority as the government that has the wind in its stern.
To this end, the Catholic Church today calls for the full implementation of the agreement of 31 December 2016 to be respected because it has found the political description. Let"s add to this that we need to focus on the debate on the full development of the Congo instead of distracting people.
Second, the potential foreign pressures are indispensable to reverse existing political structures and institutions. All these solutions are not easy to put into execution, but thinking about it would already take a step forward for a change.

Conclusions
The quick overview of "the instability of political and administrative institutions Indeed, the Congolese state must come out of its current state of misfortune. As a mirror of social and economic political structures, the new state must be based on a new social contract, in short, a political consensus which must be ensured to give a legal and political meaning through a constitution. It is time to get out of our sleep and take our fate into our own hands, because we are responsible for the success or failure of our new democratic society that we wish for our best wishes.
Moreover, it is also regrettable that the macroeconomic system is introduced by the MATATA government of 2012 and the one currently in power, as well as the instability of political expediency which brings the country back to chaos, because the Republic Democratic Republic of the Congo seems to live more external budget support. The state is obliged to change the leaders of certain Institutions.

The instability of the political and administrative Institutions in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo is that the crisis that the DRC experienced, more than ten years ago, originated in the conflict between the two branches of the executive in this case the presidency and the Government. In the end, the DRC is a country that cannot enforce its sovereignty, hampered by the weight of historical heritage and by regional instability. And the situation is far from being stabilized, as shown by the political crisis in which the country has been plunged since Joseph Kabila"s contested re-election in November 2011. The regime"s refusal to comply with the Constitution of the country and to organize the elections without the current head of State whose second and last term has expired since 19 December 2016, which prevents the improvement of the "business climate" and sometimes does not encourage Not private investment in DRC.
In short, we denounce the unspeakable suffering and misery that has become the daily lot of the Congolese population, which is deprived of the effective enjoyment of social and economic rights, due to bad governance and blatant injustice Practiced by the various Congolese governments under the beard of the institution President of the Republic.
The arbitrary use of power has prompted the people to turn away from the state or to avoid it, thereby crushing the "norms of loyalty and dignity of the country".
We cannot continue to tolerate governments with limitless powers, since leaders have become accustomed to consider themselves to be above the law, by creating circles of personal supporters who are being dispensed with to ensure their silence, unable to conceal the obscure face of their management system and to ensure public control.
In the same vein as at the crossroads, the Congolese politicians of the majority (the power) and the opposition are not the same facets. Whether you are rich or poor, whether you belong to a majority or an ethnic or religious minority, whether you are opposed to or supported by the government, everyone has the right to equal protection before the law. Under no circumstances should the state impose additional inequalities. He has to treat everyone in fairness and equality. For no one is above the laws, which are in fact created by the people and are not imposed upon them.
Thus, first the political authorities must have a single main objective to save the country while having an awareness of the integrity for the future of their country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in order to offer the Congolese people a development Full, real opportunities and interesting perspectives.
Then we suggest that our politicians put the DRC in the circle of the 21st century, that is, to give the people an opportunity to understand the meaning of democracy. But here the people are seen as an instrument for the promotion of politics, a simple step of the staircase. The Congolese people, in turn, must be able to distinguish between the difference between the interest of the Nation and the political sentiment towards their leaders.
All in all, we have the ambition to believe that the Democratic Republic of the Congo must have respect for the provisions by locking the system in the interests of consideration of democracy in the DRC. On the other hand, political leaders of any tendency must put together to eradicate these scourges. This is how they must strive to develop and improve the living conditions of the population so that the socio-economic situation can no longer provoke the instability of the institutions.