Evolution of Urban Transport in Algeria from Artisanal Mode to Regulation

In parliamentary law to resolve the troubles experienced in country transport, including in urban transport, the Algerian state has been heavily involved in recent years as an actor/regulator in the sector. Therefore, large and complex investment projects are launched and huge budgets have been allocated whose amounts have never been touched earlier. Major works are underway and huge building sites are coming forth. The objective of the article is the analysis of the dynamics of change of urban transport policy in Algeria. To do this, we will deal with the following points. The first point presents the dynamics of change and the opening up of the urban transport market while emphasizing the disappearance of incumbent operators and the explosion of transport supply. It also draws parallels with the notion of artisanal transport observed in other countries. Although liberalization has effectively solved the problem of supply in Algeria, quantitatively speaking, it has generated other types of problems that are in fact important issues in terms of sustainable development. These considerations are the subject of the second point to be addressed. Finally, a third point presents the major features of the new urban transport policy characterized by the return of the State and the implementation of a strategy to modernize the system.


Introduction
This paper will deal successively with three points: The first point presents the dynamics of change and the opening up of the urban transport market while emphasizing the disappearance of incumbent oper-ators and the explosion of transport supply.This first aspect will also draw a parallel with the concept of artisanal transport observed in other countries.
Although liberalization has effectively solved the problem of supply in Algeria, quantitatively speaking, it has generated other types of problems that are in fact important issues in terms of sustainable development.These considerations are the subject of the second point to be addressed.
Finally, a third point presents the major features of the new urban transport policy characterized by the return of the State and the implementation of a strategy to modernize the system.

Urban Transport after Liberalization:
The Market and Operators

Disappearance of Local Historical Operators
During the 70 s and 80 s, and well before in the big Algerian agglomerations, all the average cities created their public transport operator.For the most part, these operators have been in a quasi-monopoly position in the urban transport market.This period was marked by a relative shortage of means of transport.
These state-owned enterprises, financially supported by the state, through the local authorities, provided the Public Service with somehow.Unlike current operators, pre-deregulation, public enterprises all had organized structures with administrative, operational and maintenance services.
From the 90 s and for lack of subsidies, these public urban transport companies began to experience serious financial problems.In order to improve their situation and compensate for operating losses, some companies have attempted diversifications of activity.For the company ECTUB of the city of Batna, various initiatives were taken: creation of a tourist agency, opening of a driving school, acquisition of a circuit of examination of driving license and opening of line of transports in suburban.But despite these efforts, the company continued to accumulate the financial deficit and ended up being liquidated, like many others, in the wave of deregulation that affected almost all sectors.In September 1997, the decision to liquidate the Batna ECTUB was taken and the company was taken over by employees [1].
Beyond the global considerations pertaining to the development model, we can retain a few other explanatory factors for the disappearance of these public transport entities: • Symbolic tariffs unrelated to actual costs; • Free transport for certain categories of the population; • Public service obligations (exploitation of unprofitable lines, for example); • Dramatic increase in costs from the years 1990-1995 after the devaluation of the national currency, the dinar; • Lack of qualification of the staff and also numbers which were often overcrowded; • And most importantly, lack of subsidies following the economic crisis of the

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time with its corollary in terms of fiscal austerity policy.
In the same vein, according to a study conducted on public goods transport companies in the 1980s (Boubakour, 1990), whose results are relatively transferable to urban transport companies, it appears that companies in the sector, through the price mechanism (the rates of the benefits but also the acquisition of the factors of production), they drew from their own resources (depreciation and possible profits) to finance not only the chronic productivity losses but also the stagnation of their tariffs.All these factors being combined with the problem of non-recovery of certain debts, these transport companies were no longer viable.
Apart from the capital Algiers, where the main public operator ETUSA has been preserved, local historical operators have finally disappeared in most cities of the country.The market share of private operators on regular services is 100% in urban centers such as Batna, Skikda, Tiaret, Annaba, Setif, etc.The result of state liquidations and disengagement, at the national level, has meant that the public (state) park in terms of places offered in 2003 represented only 2.65% of the total park in circulation, of which more than 82% in Algiers.

Explosion of Supply and Proliferation of Operators
The deregulation and liberalization of the urban transport market, carried out in Algeria since the early 1990s, has led to the gradual disappearance of almost all incumbents in all cities of the country.In return, this development has led to the emergence of many private operators of transport in the form of very small businesses, most often with only one vehicle.
The most visible consequence of deregulation has been the increase in supply.
From 1988, the year of liberalization, to 2002, and only in the area of passenger transport (excluding taxis), the national fleet increased by 2, 66%, from 12,600 vehicles to 46,136 vehicles of all types (it means 2.395 vehicles every year).
Compared with what existed in the 1980s, before liberalization, the supply of transport means today responds better to the demand of "users": henceforth, it is much easier to move as well in urban, suburban and interurban at a relatively low price level [2].
However, everyone agrees that the significant increase in supply was achieved without real control, no control [3], and no obligation to comply with specifications.Indeed, an impressive number of private operators have emerged in all the cities of the country.There are hundreds of them in a single city!In 2008, there were more than 4000 operators in the city of Algiers alone.This fragmentation of supply has, of course, had multiple negative repercussions on the implementation of any urban transport policy, on the environment, on companies' profitability, their capacity for renewal, on the quality and readability of the offer, etc.

On Some Characteristics of the Operators
The size of urban transport companies is very small.It varies on average, de-

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pending on the city, from 1.1 to 1.21 vehicles per operator.This denotes a character that can be described, to a certain extent, as artisanal transport or as a family-type enterprise.If we look at the composition of the park, we also see the predominance of vans and minibuses.In 2002, out of a national total of 46,136 coaches-bus vehicles, vans and minibuses with 10 to 29 seats accounted for two-thirds (66.77%) of the fleet.
On another level, the park has been rejuvenated but there are large disparities.
While the vast majority of vans and minibuses are actually newer, on the contrary, just 3.4% of the bus fleet with 40 or more seats is less than 5 years old (in 2002).In summary, it can be said that there are a few buses, usually at the end of life, and a large number of rather recent vans and minibuses.
According to a study conducted in Batna in 2004 (Abbas, 2004), specifically on the characteristics of private operators owning a bus, 60% of the operators surveyed stated that they used the family loan to start a business.25% admit that this was done through an association (informal, consisting of two or three people) for the purchase of the bus.The remaining 15% are companies financed entirely by a personal contribution.On the other hand, the operators owning a van and a minibus mainly benefited from bank loans at preferential rates as part of public policy to combat youth unemployment.Finally, the study showed that 85% of all private urban transport companies did not have a head office or office.
For those who had, the local was very modest.Almost all of these private businesses operate most often with live-in caregivers.The rest of the staff, if any, is informal employees.In terms of qualification, the majority of operators admit that they have never worked as a carrier before and have never benefited from training or internships in the field.Finally, 70% of operators have a primary level of education and 30% are uneducated.
To conclude this first point on the characteristics of the market after the wave of deregulation and openness, we can say that this market configuration is relatively close to that of some countries which have liberalized their transport market.We can cite the example of Santiago de Chile, where liberalization has given rise to a situation that is rather similar to the Algerian case in some respects, in particular that of the small capacity of vehicles, but also on aspects concerning the mode of operation (Godard, 2008a).Note however that in terms of prices, in Algeria, tariffs remained rather low in comparison with the Chilean capital.
Given the characteristics of private operators of urban transport, we think that it is possible to make the connection with the notion of artisanal transport in the sense of Xavier Godard, according to which (Godard, 2008b) the artisanal transport "designates the exploitation with an individual scale of public transport vehicles whose ownership is not concentrated but distributed among many owners".This exploitation can be integrated within the framework of the regulation in force, but also in more or less binding collective rules elaborated by a professional organization.Even if we sometimes have a concentration of ownership, the operating methods of the vehicles are based on the initiative of the

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driver who appears as a manager in the field.
If one adopts the definition of Xavier Godard, we will find in the Algerian case the characteristic of the fragmented urban transport offer and the individual exploitation of the vehicles.The exploitation is done around very small businesses based wholesale on: a company = a bus.However, it should be noted that in the Algeria ownership of the vehicle is not in all cases distributed among several owners.According to figures available in the city of Batna (Abbas, 2004), only 25% of operators are in association (2 or 3 people) for the operation of the bus or line.In 60% of cases, the owner is himself the driver.And suddenly, it seems more appropriate to speak in this case of family-type business.The rest (15%) covers situations where the owners recruit as chauffeur one of the partners or any other driver who is most often of informal status (that is to say not declared and on which the operator do not pay social security contributions, etc.).
But that said, the notion of small-scale transport seems particularly interesting in the sense that it covers a large number of diverse and sometimes confusing situations.In addition, this notion is likely to take into account the dynamics of change and evolution of the transport system as presented by Xavier Godard [4] in the form of a spiral.By extrapolating from X. Godard's vision, we can say that a transport system, as part of its evolution, is likely to go through a craft phase and then eventually evolve towards another phase that we can qualify of modern where the urban transport system will reach high thresholds of complexity.

On Certain Characteristics of Supply, Quality of Service and Mobility: The Need For Sustainable Development
As described above, the liberalization of the transport market has facilitated mobility in Algeria and made transport more available to users.But at the same time, the configuration of the Algerian urban transport market was during these last two decades of liberalization as it was difficult to ensure a quality transport that can support all the aspirations of users while taking into account issues in terms of sustainable development: energy consumption, pollution, congestion, equity, excessive use of the private car, etc.Here are some of these aspects.

Overcapacity
The development of the number of operators, practically without qualification, and that of the fleet of vehicles in general has caused overcapacity with all the consequences (congestion, pollution, more fuel consumption due to small vehicles, etc.).In the absence of fine analyzes, and based on observations of how the market operates, there is an apparent trend towards over-equipped.Indeed, if we take for example, the urban railway line-1200 housing, where are exploited 34 buses of 100 seats, the work of the carriers is organized in 3 groups in rotation: a group of 11 buses, a second of 11 buses and a lust of 12 buses.While two groups work the day, the third group observes a break.The same system is adopted on the urban railway line-Bouakal and the urban railway line-Mébarki

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district.The rest of the links work normally.These three over-equipped links, in addition to Kéchida, constitute the most important corridors of the city.
This phenomenon of overcapacity has also been observed in other cities of the country.In the capital, for example, studies commissioned by the Ministry of Transport have concluded that there is an abundance of transport supply on the lines operated by private operators, is 179 lines out of the 233 urban lines of the city of Algiers.
Due to overcapacity in all cities across the country, new applications for licenses were frozen for several years, especially during the period of serious political turmoil that Algeria experienced (the 1990s).(Source: Ministry of Transport, Algiers) But since 2010 this freeze has been lifted and any new applicant can have an operating license within the week.This decision is seen as one of the measures to combat youth unemployment, which has been given the opportunity to invest in the transport sector.These young investors benefit from very attractive bank loans for the purchase of a bus or a minibus.Despite the saturation of the transport lines, the number of authorizations is still increasing.In 2008 (CF.Titouche A), the number of urban carriers was 12,410 at the national level; today, we are talking about 27,000 operators [5].Some consider that there will eventually be a documentation with a gradual disappearance of less efficient operators since the transport system is expected to evolve towards quality transport given the future introduction of trams in the largest cities and metro/tramway to the capital.By then there will be new forms of organization, and the operators will have a valid three-year operating license anyway.

Quality of Service in Urban Public Transport
Numerous analyzes show that the current problem is the quality of service in public transport.Some studies [6] gave the following results: • In terms of temporal characteristics, the answers are rather nuanced.The majority of respondents seem rather satisfied with the offer in terms of punctuality, regularity, and the duration of the journey.It should be known as the base that there are no departure times and, in most cases, the bus goes to the signal of the "delegate": person charged by the operators to organize the waiting times by line at the level of the stations (at the end of lines).Thus, the vast majority of users consider that there is punctuality because they arrive relatively quickly with regard to the high frequency of departures (due to overcapacity).That said, the observations made in the field made it possible to realize that the operators tend to try to stay a little more time at the various stops in order to pick up the maximum number of customers.And as all operators have the same practice, they will have on average the same number of customers but cause, on the other hand, a slowing down of the public transport system as a whole.• In terms of reception (staff, cleanliness and information), the impressions collected are rather average.The users consider that, if the cleanliness is ra-

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ther acceptable, the reception of the personnel on board as well as the information should be improved.The comfort factor (atmosphere, state of the seats and disturbance) remains average, but can be variable from one line to another and sometimes with great disparities.Some interviewees report that they often encounter overloaded buses, loud music, bad smells, and so on.
• On the other hand, these same studies showed that the main problems were centered on safety/security (driving, state of the bus, aggression), and on the quality of stops and stations (organization, pollution and development).Users have a bad impression of driving, often referred to as dangerous!It is mainly the van users who gave this answer.The response of 100-seat bus users are much more nuanced.The stops and station indicator deserves more attention.Indeed, the response of all respondents is striking since it constitutes the highest level of dissatisfaction.On this last point, one can verify effectively on the ground the disorganization which reigns on certain stations.
The stations are not materialized, poorly indicated and are sometimes on the sidewalk; which causes congestion and traffic jams.Users also complain about noise pollution and the unbeatable atmosphere.Finally, on the route, users are often disoriented given the lack of amenities and bus shelters.
Finally, some users reported the absence of bus lines near their homes.This forces them to take long walks to reach the nearest stop.We will deal with these aspects in the title below.

Equity and Exclusion Issues: Some Examples of Spatial and Temporal Coverage
A study conducted in Batna in 2009 (Boubakour, 2009) showed that despite the fact that there is generally a fairly good service to the city, there are, however, peripheral neighborhoods that do not have good coverage and sometimes nonexistent because, urban transport operators do not respect the route that has been assigned to them in their operating license.40% of respondents, who are peri-urban living in the neighborhoods of Dourar Laateche, Kéchida, and Douar El Hemous, say that buses do not go to the end of the line.And suddenly, to reach the station closest to their home, they walk on foot twenty minutes or more.39% of the interviewees say they take the illegal taxi from time to time to return and that it is expensive.
In the same vein, some residents of working-class neighborhoods consider that their neighborhood is not well served because the roads are in poor condition, which discourages some operators to use these sections.To this, it should also be confessed that we can also meet situations in certain neighborhoods where street templates do not really allow programming a transit line transit.
This problem of non-respect of the lines by the operators, which is a rather common practice, is to be explained roughly in relation to profitable and unprofitable lines.Indeed, the bus carriers focus their activity on the lines that bring back the most money and sharps lines or part of lines (sections) on which there

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is only weak demand.The essential cause is the absence of precise specifications that are respected by the operators.The controls are insufficient because the city Transport Directorate (deconcentrated administration of the Ministry of Transport in charge of control) does not have the number of inspector posts sufficient to carry out the on-the-spot checks.And the problem is all the more thorny because there are a large number of operators.
In addition to the spatial coverage, it is also necessary to consider the time range (Boubakour, 2010)

Development of Transport by Clandestine Taxis (Informal Transport)
Today, the transport by clandestine taxi is an activity quite ordinary in all the Algerian cities [7].Their stations are everywhere present in the different districts of the cities.This activity was rare in the 1980s and soon developed into a full-fledged mode of transport in the same way as (official) urban taxis.The economic crisis, the IMF's Structural Adjustment Program, the subsequent wave of layoffs and structural unemployment partly explain this phenomenon.In addition to this general context, however, it is possible to add other considerations: insufficient means of control; tolerance in some cases; the possession of capital (the car) which does not really constitute a barrier to the entry of the market; an unfulfilled demand for displacements generated by a quantitative deficit (in terms of the number of (official) taxis on certain routes, and, from a qualitative point of view, the deficit in public transport should be added as has been indicated previously in terms of accessibility and spatial and temporal coverage.
Informal carriers [8] offer cheaper on-demand transport that operates conti- Recent observations of the informal transport have shown that there are more than thirty functional stations and it is estimated that more than 500 the number of cars in operation in the city of Batna.On the other hand, for the sake of comparison, the number of operating licenses issued for official taxis is 450, of which only 380 are operating during the same period.
That said, we believe that the phenomenon of illegal taxis will tend to fade in the coming years in Algeria because, in parallel, there is another relatively strong trend which is that of access to the private car, subject of the analysis below.

Private Car Arbitration/Public Transport: A Strong Sociological Constraint
The improvement in Algerian living standards in recent years has had a direct impact on the increase in motorization rates.The increase in the motorization rate was rather light and progressive over the period 1990-2000 (Figure 1).• It was noticed that many families could no longer pay the bills; • It is more interesting to encourage housing credit than car loans; • There was still a good tax base for a new tax; • Algeria was only importing cars, perhaps it was necessary to think of incentive schemes for builders to invest locally; Figure 1.Evolution of the car park per 1000 inhabitants (1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997)(1998)(1999)(2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008).

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• And finally, the transport networks began to no longer absorb the surplus of vehicles and congestion problems became more and more important.
Despite the auto credit freeze and the new vehicle tax, the trend has not been slowed down.Before the freeze and the tax, Algeria imported between 200,000 and 250,000 vehicles/year.Before the end of 2011, provisional figures give an import of vehicles that exceeds 350,000 vehicles.This explosion in the import of vehicles in 2011 is to be explained by the significant wage increases experienced by all sectors of activity with a retroactive effect since January 2008.As a result, many Algerians had significant arrears easily finance the purchase of a car.All car dealerships are out of date and orders are overdue to the point that recently purchased cars are sold on the second-hand market, paradoxically, at prices that are equivalent to, or sometimes even higher than, the price of a new car for certain models [9]!
In terms of motorized travel, a heavy trend for the use of the private car is there and it is strengthening.In Algeria, everyone aspires to purchase a particular vehicle, given a number of factors: • Relatively low cost of operating the car: a cheap fuel, especially diesel, which costs 13 cents per liter; • Opening of car dealerships all over the country with aggressive marketing; • A downward trend in the prices of new vehicles (cars imported from China in particular) with a consequence of price crushing on the futures market; • Dysfunctions observed in public transport as described above; • And finally, existence of certain historical, cultural and sociological considerations.
With regard to these last considerations, described as historical, cultural and sociological, we think that there are indeed rather qualitative aspects which must be taken into account, and which would push, in our opinion, the Algerians to want to access the private car.
First of all, in the eyes of people in developing countries, the consumer society is an envied model and the car is one of the strongest symbols.In the minds of a majority of people, car ownership is synonymous with social success.
Then, in Algeria, the car has always been very coveted, a little more than in other Maghreb countries, perhaps because of certain historical facts.For many decades, the import of cars was monopolized by a national company called Sonacome.No car dealership existed at that time.And it was necessary to wait with the company Sonacome several years to be able to have his car.The cars imported by Sonacome were, according to the quota of the moment, the same brand and almost the same model.The advantage is that cars imported by Sonacome were sold at very attractive prices.The problem is that the quantity imported was still insufficient.As a result, the buyer who bought his car from Sonacome had to pay special attention to his property.The car is for some a form of capital because it could be sold easily and much more expensive than the purchase price after even several years of use!Today, with all the concessions

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present in the Algerian cities, the car is there, we can choose, buy on the spot; and we finally feel that Algerians have revenge today to take on history!Finally, on a related level, for socio-cultural considerations, Algerians avoid traveling with family by collective taxi or bus.Thus, if we continue to use the collective taxi in urban and interurban in Algeria, it is obviously not for ecological considerations, it is only for pure economic reasons including the cost of access to the car individual remains high for some.
Given all the factors previously developed, it is likely that there will be in the coming years, in Algeria, a heavy trend in the use of the private car that should be anticipated and attempted, already, to bend.In the same vein, in view of the situation of urban transport resulting from liberalization but also taking into account the challenges in terms of sustainable development to be met (including in terms of combating the development of the use of the private car), the Algerian public authorities have put in place a new policy based on a modernization of the urban transport system in order to offer quality public transport.The third and final point below deals with some of these aspects.

New Urban Transport Policy: A State Actor and Regulator
The report being established in recent years, the new urban transport policy signifies the takeover of urban transport by the State after a period of deregulation and liberalization that have shown their limitation.The problem was first to manage the scarcity of supply, the quantity.Liberalization has solved the problem.The next problem was managing the negative impacts of deregulation.To this end, the Algerian authorities have put in place an ambitious program to set up a quality urban transport system that meets the needs of sustainable development.
With regard to sustainable development and environmental protection, it is worth noting that in terms of legislation, the Algerian regulatory framework is now quite advanced at this level.Many texts exist.However, their implementation remains relatively difficult [10] because the preservation of the environment seems to remain a luxury in the minds of the citizens to the extent that we still lack water and where we live a chronic housing crisis.These problems can be legitimately seen as real priorities in comparison to environmental concerns.
To return to the new transport policy, we can mention the following main features: • Massive public investment in transport; • Creation of a public urban transport company in all cities of the country (48 cities); • Establishment of an organizing authority; • Encouraging groupings of urban transport operators.

Massive Public Investments in Transport:
The State Actor/Regulator In order to solve the problems experienced in land transport, including in urban transport, the Algerian state has been heavily involved in recent years as an actor/regulator in the sector.The return of the state is greatly favored by the soaring price of a barrel of oil.Thus, large and complex investment projects are launched and huge budgets have been allocated whose amounts have never been reached before.Major works are underway and huge construction sites are emerging.We can cite as an example: • Opening to the east-west motorway [11] (1200 km) and also launching of the works for the future highlands motorway (1365 km); • Reinforcement of the network and opening of new motorways around the capital; • Commissioning of the Algiers metro: the project has been delayed.Commissioning is planned for the first half of 2012; part of the line was inaugurated; • Rail rehabilitation and development of high quality rail transport with an investment of more than $16.6 billion; • Finally, and in the field of urban transport, there are tramway projects: Initially, it was about the launching of a dozen tramway projects in the largest cities of the country, but in the last quarter of 2011, it was decided to add new feasibility studies for tramway projects for other agglomerations.There are 19 projects in total today including that of Algiers (partly functional: the line Bordj El Kiffan-Bab Ezzouar); those in Oran and Constantine are in progress and all the others are at various stages of progress in terms of the tender procedures and the feasibility studies.

Creation of a Public Urban Transport Company in All Cities of the Country (48 Cities)
Initially, the urban public transport companies were created in the big cities (the Etusa of Algiers was preserved during the deregulation), Oran, Constantine, Annaba, Setif, and Batna) which are currently in operation.The decision was subsequently taken to generalize this operation to all the chief towns of the city, or 48 cities.Today, the majority of the chief towns of cities have their local public transport operator.Each company has 30 new buses with 100 seats.The objective pursued is to boost competition with private operators by creating a benchmarking effect in terms of improving the quality of service.The objective is also to push private operators to eventual groupings.
That said, the market share of these public companies is still low.It is rare that it exceeds 10% in large cities.The rest of urban public transport is provided by private companies.It should be noted however that the public company remains very visible by its new high quality buses (called the blue buses).The service of the public operator is very appreciated by the customers, especially at the time of the launching of these companies.The number of customers attending the public company declined as a result of the 50% increase in the public operator's rates [12] applied for more than two years.The situation is expected to change rapidly in favor of public enterprises as private companies have increased their rates

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very recently during the month of October 2011 to align it with that of public companies.

Establishment of an Organizing Authority: The Governance Tool
In order to ensure functional and pricing integration, better governance, compliance with specifications by all operators, it has been planned for several years the creation of an organizing authority.The project has long been in study, but recently it was finalized [13].The usefulness of the organizing authority has resurfaced with the arrival of the tramway and metro projects in the capital because; the problems of financing and subsidies are beginning to be apprehended.

Encouraging Groupings of Atomized Urban Transport Operators
To manage the current situation characterized by a proliferation of private operators of urban transport, it is appropriate to find devices capable of encouraging groupings of operators by line or geographical area.The regrouping, in the form of SPA for example, should make it possible to federate the means, to carry out equalization on the unprofitable lines, to reduce the number of interlocutors, and to entail the creation of an administrative and management structure adopted as soon as a given critical mass is reached.
Among operators, the trend is good to consider a grouping formula with 40 vehicles per entity on average.Operators are convinced that this is the only solution that can ensure long-term profitability.For these artisans, integration into a consolidated structure will mean that common management services will be provided, which will lighten their work.It is also for them a strategic option in front of already functional public companies and trams in perspective.Today, the problem of the regrouping of the operators remains always posed and it even became more extensive because very numerous new operators have acceded recently to the market as indicated previously.The solution [14] is not yet found and it is difficult to convince all operators because some would experience a significant drop in their income in case of consolidation.

Conclusions
In conclusion, we can say that the liberalization of transport has had advantages: it is making the means available, but the urban transport activity has not been sufficiently planned to produce the expected effects.In any case, the full commitment of the state cannot provide evidence.In our Algerian case, it is also true that the Black Decade had a major impact on the progress of the liberation process.During the crisis, there were priorities other than transport regulation.
From a global point of view, you should keep in mind all cities.All over the world, they kept their hands on urban transport because the risks are great.
The most important issue is the danger of circulating the use of private cars in cities with all aspects of the lack of sustainability that characterize the use of the car.The car is seen everywhere today as an enemy to drop in cities.

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C T E D nuously day and night and to all urban and interurban destinations.These carriers offer a quality of service appreciated by the customers.Rates are negotiable, but with orders of magnitude.The clandestine settles the client and can return to take it (the mobile phone has revolutionized the profession).The informal carrier may have its own customers, offer subscriptions, accompany children to school, bring them back at night, make credit, and so on.This type of transport, R E T R A C T E D B. Rima et al.DOI: 10.4236/jss.2018.610013169 Open Journal of Social Sciences flexible and practical, has become a very popular means.In Batna, from some 20 clandestine taxis in the 1980s, we increased to more than 250 in the year 2000.
However, since 2001, this rate has risen sharply.It almost doubled over the period 2001-2008.This sharp increase is due to the development and economic growth of the country observed during the last decade.In this favorable context, car dealerships flourished and sales were boosted by car loans.The Algerians quickly equipped themselves with cars.It should be noted that the credit purchase procedure was frozen in 2009 and the introduction of a new tax on the purchase of imported new cars.These new provisions were made for various reasons: during which public transport by bus is available.In this regard, the problem of lack of transport in the evening has been reported.
outlying areas, late-night transport is problematic and in the evening it is almost non-existent.The solution to return late, if you live in some suburban neighborhoods and if you do not have a particular car, it is the taxi (clandestine or not) or walking: 12% of the respondents declare to be obliged to sometimes take a stealth taxi to return home at night for 150 or 200 DA (about 1.5 € and 2 € respectively).Let's see here, in a little more detail, the phenomenon of illegal taxi transport in Algeria.